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Southern States
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Where Muslim League lets Muslim women down
By K.P.M. Basheer
MALAPPURAM, JULY 5. The biggest political beneficiary of the one-
third seat reservation for women in the panchayats and
municipalities in Malappuram has been the Muslim League, the
dominant party in the district.
Its women activists head 20 of the panchayats and two
municipalities, apart from holding hundreds of positions on grama
panchayats, municipal councils, block panchayats and the district
panchayat. The League holds immense possibility for emancipating
Muslim women, which is closely linked to their political
participation.
But the same party, which made so much political capital out of
the reservation in the Panchayati Raj institutions (facilitated
by the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments), is opposed to
the idea of one-third quota for women in the Lok Sabha and the
State Assemblies. When the much-delayed Women's Bill came up in
Parliament last time, the League, along with some other parties,
opposed its introduction. The League masked its hostility to the
Bill by demanding `reservation for minorities first.'
Women's hopes dashed
The League attracted flak when it failed to field women in the
Assembly election in May last. The League, now the No. 2 in the
UDF Government, had been allotted 23 seats as its share, but it
refused to give ticket to a single woman. (The CPI(M) set an
example by fielding three Muslim women in the election--that the
three seats were ones they expected to lose is another matter).
In the 1996 Assembly poll, the League had created history by
fielding a woman candidate. Ms. Qamarunnisa Anwar had resigned as
chairperson of the Kerala State Welfare Board to stand in
Kozhikode-II. Though she lost the election, the mere fact that
the League had chosen to field a Muslim woman was a very positive
sign. At the time it was expected that in the 2001 Assembly
election the party would field more women.
But, the League leadership dashed the hopes. Even the president
of the Vanitha League, the women's wing of the party, Ms.
Qamarunnisa, was denied a seat. Many party functionaries had
hoped that Ms. Qamarunnisa would be given a ticket and that in
the case of a UDF victory would be made a Minister. That would
have served as a great symbol of Muslim women's emancipation.
(The winning of the first rank in the SSLC exam two years ago by
a Muslim girl had created great excitement in the district.)
League sources revealed that the party bosses had taken a
decision, prior to the election, that women should be fielded
only if the Women's Bill came through and reservation in
Assemblies made statutory. (Had the one-third reservation been
applied to the Assemblies too, the League would have been
compelled to field eight women.)
This decision was allegedly taken after a prominent Kozhikode-
based Sunni leader, known for his anti-women viewpoints, had made
a statement objecting to Muslim women's involvement in politics.
The Vanitha League was upset by the decision.
Ironically, the Vanitha League was launched by the party to
corner political advantage of the reservation. The first district
unit of the women's wing was launched in Malappuram district in
1991 just in time to contest the District Council election held
then.
The Vanitha League started units all over when reservation for
women became statutory. Despite its reluctance to promote women,
the League had no option but to field women in the local bodies
elections.
However, the Vanitha League is a paper organisation that comes to
life only during elections. Its affairs are decided by the male
leaders of the parent party. It hardly has a political role; its
activists do not take part in dharnas and processions organised
by the party. Had there been no reservation for women in the
panchayats, there would have been no Vanitha League.
Dress code for women
The Muslim League is the only party in the State to have insisted
on a dress code for its elected women representatives in
panchayats and municipalities. The women have been asked to don
Islamic dress (which means sari, full-sleeve blouse and the
headgear, `mafta'). They are restricted from attending meetings
and public functions after sundown. They have been advised to pay
extra attention to their households, husbands and children (so
that family life is not affected by the public role.) The women
have even been told to take care of their husbands' egos, lest
the wives' positions trigger an inferiority complex or jealousy
in them!
A League functionary justified the restrictions saying they were
aimed to ward off possible public ridicule and the clerics'
possible wrath.
However, despite the displeasure of a small but influential
section of the clerics, the Muslim masses in the district have
generally welcomed and encouraged their women's political
participation. They are even proud that some of them have become
panchayat presidents and municipal chairpersons.
To be fair to the League, this mass acceptance is due to its
fielding of women in the elections. But for the League, the
clerics would have resented women getting involved in politics.
And, but for the reservation, the League would not have fielded
women in panchayats.
Perhaps, the Muslim women will have to wait until the Women's
Reservation Bill is passed to find a toehold in Kerala Assembly.
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