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Industrial Relations: Towards social partnership?
"There must be a consensus on social partnership (between
employers and unions) to avoid chaos and street riots in the
present situation of widespread downsizing of workforce,
outsourcing, casualisation of labour and deindustrialisation as a
result of economic reform.''
These words, spoken by Mr. W. R. Varadarajan, a senior leader of
the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) last week at a
conference on industrial relations organised by the Confederation
of Indian Industry, Southern Region, (CII-SR) in Chennai, are
both symbolic and significant because it is a sharp departure
from the stance adopted by the CITU and other Left unions just a
decade earlier. The Left unions were the main dissenters to the
wholesome emphasis placed by the report (1990) of the G.
Ramanujam Committee on New Industrial Relations Law on bipartism
in industrial relations and setting up of an Industrial Relations
Commission relatively free from the official machinery. (The
report has been gathering dust obviously as a result of political
uncertainties and fragmented polity of the nineties).
The change of attitude, of course, reflects the difference that
the post-1991 economic reform has made to India's industrial
scenario - increasing domestic and international competition,
unpredictable market forces and impossibility of a cost-plus
route to earning profits. No less striking was the emphasis laid
at the CII conference by representatives of employers on ``trust,
cooperation and bipartism'' (Mr. P. Rama Babu), legislation on
safety net for workers facing unemployment and end to
differential treatment of internal and external union leaders
(Mr. Arvind Doshi, Chairman of the CII's National Committee on
Industrial Relations) and programmes for human development of and
partnership with workers (Mr. N. Ramachandran).
Of course, exchanges of blame by worker and management spokesmen
for the current scenario of legislation and litigation-driven
industrial relations, split in trade union ranks and idle
capacity in industry were not wanting. What is more, some
representatives of managements (Mr. S. Ramasubramaniam and Mr. R.
Viswanathan) even accused ``industrial jurisprudence'' (rulings
of courts that have the effect of law) at the highest level of
exceeding the jurisdiction of courts and overly extending
undeserved protection to labour ``in the name of social justice,
helping the underdog and the downtrodden.''
There is no doubt that the Industrial Disputes Act 1947, one of
the major protective pieces of legislation for labour rights, had
been subject to frequent amendments that sought to incorporate
ever more checks on disciplinary actions, especially
discharge/dismissal/termination of workmen. However, it would be
futile to view this without looking at the background in which
these amendments came about - the tendency of employers to
victimise ``internal union leaders'' using disciplinary
proceedings as a pretext.
Mr. Varadarajan warned that strategies such as downsizing, early
retirement and outsourcing, which indigenous industry was
adopting by ``imitating MNCs'' to meet competition from them,
would not help Indian industry. ``What is good for MNCs may not
be good for indigenous industry. We (unions) want a smooth
dialogue (with employers),'' he said, deprecating the ``want of
social dialogue'' in India.
Questioning the claim that security of job bred inefficiency or
that ``flexibility'' in the labour market would create more jobs,
he said the Union Government had come out (in the budget) with
its ideas on labour law reform even without waiting for the
recommendations of the second National Labour Commission (which
is being boycotted by Left unions).
Mr. R. Kuchelar, veteran leader of the Working People Council,
lamented that with managements posing the option of either
partial retrenchment of employees with continuation of the
business or closure of business involving total loss of jobs,
``we are forced to cooperate in anti-labour practices.'' Claiming
that the present recession in India was not linked to
globalisation since India's foreign trade accounted for only 0.6
per cent of the global trade, he blamed corruption and siphoning
off of funds for the situation.
It was only in the west that the economic situation was linked to
saturation of markets, surplus capital and idle capacity, he
said.
Mr. Michael Fernandez (Hind Mazdoor Kisan Panchayat, Karnataka),
said no major change had taken place in social relations between
employers and employees to warrant a reform of the labour law. If
security of employment was equivalent to inefficiency, the system
of lifetime employment would not have worked during years of
phenomenal growth in Japan. Workers in India were even now
constrained from direct action by way of prolonged conciliation
proceedings or by declaring the industrial undertakings concerned
as ``public utilities,'' he observed.
Mr. N. Ramachandran from the TVS group said ``even if the
environment is wrong, we (industry) have to be right, like we do
our best to keep our home clean even if the environment outside
is difficult.'' He suggested, quoting Akio Morita, former CEO of
Sony, that workers would respond to positive initiatives if they
were told ``what the improvements in work practices will mean for
the society and the customer'' (and not merely for the company
and its employees).
This seemed to echo the observation of the Ramanujam Committee on
the ``thin line between hunger and anger'', that ``ever-
increasing productivity should be our objective and bipartism the
means, bearing in mind that the fruits of progress should
percolate down to the poorest and not restricted to the two
social partners, employers and employees.''
Posing the question whether India was heading towards a ``welfare
state or a farewell state,'' Dr. C. S. Venkata Ratnam, Dean of
the International Management Institute, New Delhi, said the
objective of shopfloor participation techniques (quality circles,
suggestion schemes and worker empowerment) was ``enlarging the
pie'' (increasing the profits of the business concerned) and that
of collective bargaining was to engage in a fight on dividing the
pie. ``In India there is a tendency to look at both as having a
common objective,'' he remarked.
While it is heartening to note the emerging consensus towards
bipartism and ``social partnership,'' a disturbing phenomenon
that stares one in the face is the absence of debate, at least at
the level of the public, by the two sides within their own
constituencies, on some broader questions of social development.
For instance, why is it that decades after classical (Ricardo-
Marx) economics based on the labour value theory had been shunned
by official economists in favour of new ``factors of production''
theories to explain profits, the question of labour standards as
a decisive factor in competitiveness has arisen at the level of
the World Trade Organisation (WTO)? How come that nearly a
century after the forgotten theorist-cum-revolutionary Lenin
portrayed the need for ``export of capital'' as being
characteristic of the ``highest stage of capitalism -
imperialism'', the question of a multilateral agreement on
investment is emerging within the developed world as also in the
WTO as a contentious issue?
On the side of the Left, the questions that arise are what
lessons does the working class have to learn from the collapse of
the socialist system and why market economies have shown a
certain dynamism that has been lacking in the erstwhile Soviet
bloc or in developing countries?
Is it possible or even desirable to prevent the spread of the
market economy on a global scale before looking for a system that
is free from recurrent crises, exploitation and poverty?
Serious attempts at evolving a perspective on social development
is needed on both sides not because there is likely to be any
agreement between their perspectives but because it is perhaps
difficult to achieve a ``social partnership'' when the partners
do not have a long-term world view of their own and have no scope
of understanding each other's world view.
R. Gopalakrishnan
in Chennai
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