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Poles of recovery: From Dutt to Chaudhuri
The question of the 'audience' is a vexed one today for Indian
writers in English, complicated by the ideas of post-coloniality,
appropriation and authenticity. Although such choices are hardly
ever deliberately or simply made, Nirad C. Chaudhuri's
autobiography, written obviously with a Western audience in mind,
makes nonsense of the claim that writing for such a market is
necessarily incompatible with exploring the most subtle and
recondite features of one's culture. The last of a three-part
essay by noted writer AMIT CHAUDHURI.
NIRAD C. CHAUDHURI's The Autobiography of an Unknown Indian
presents, on the other hand, a startling variation, even
inversion, of the theme of disowning and recovery, exile and
homecoming. With Dutt originated the desire of going outward,
toward England and Europe, in flesh or otherwise; R. K. Narayan,
for instance, unable to make the journey himself, sent the
manuscripts of his first novel to a friend in Oxford, urging him
to drown them in the Cherwell if they found no publisher.
Although Nirad Chaudhuri did not travel to England till he was 57
years old, his whole life, till then, had, in a sense, been a
preparation for that journey. By the time he made it, he had
already memorised the features of England and Europe from his
reading, as he tells us in A Passage to England - "... my mind
was not a clean slate ... it was burdened with an enormous load
of book-derived notions". Thus, entering England, he compared the
"authorised version" of the England he already knew with the
makeshift version that was presented to him: "[t]he famous chalk
cliffs did not stand out glimmering and vast, as Matthew Arnold
had described, but seemed like white creases between the blue-
grey sheet of the Channel ..." This predilection for attributing
a veracity, or priority, to text or word over "actual" landscape
or location seems to be a habit of the colonial mind. The
multilingual Borges, situated mentally in both the Spanish
language and the English texts of the colonial world, made this
habit well known; in the story, "Tlon, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius", the
narrator remarks matter-of-factly that the eponymous place Uqbar
exists in the intersection between text and vision: "I owe the
discovery of Uqbar to the conjunction of a mirror and an
encyclopaedia ... misleadingly titled The Anglo-American
Cyclopaedia ...". Even before Borges, the habit had been made
famous by another figure poised flamboyantly between the English
language and another, colonial history; Wilde, in "The Decay of
Lying", reminds us punctiliously: "Where, if not from the
Impressionists, do we get those wonderful brown fogs that come
creeping down our streets, blurring the gas-lamps ...?"
By the time Chaudhuri made his journey, of course, he was, unlike
Dutt, already famous in the language and country in which Dutt
had aspired to make his name.
The Autobiography, which was published in 1951, had received some
very favourable reviews in the British press. History, yet again,
had almost come full circle with the writing of this book. Dutt
had moved, about 100 years ago, from the English language to the
mother-tongue, thereby, in a sense, inaugurating Bengali literary
culture, and Chaudhuri now reversed the direction. At the time of
his writing the autobiography, and even long after, it was
unusual, indeed exceptional, for a Bengali to embark upon a
literary project, major or minor, in anything but his own tongue;
at the time, the Bengali language was, for the Bengali writer,
the legitimate vehicle for cosmopolitan, middle-class expression.
But the Bengal Renaissance, which was still coming into being
when Dutt was writing, had obviously stratified sufficiently into
a hegemony for Chaudhuri, who was born at its peak in 1897, and
formed by it intellectually, to want to distance himself from it.
Chaudhuri had served a long apprenticeship as an "unknown Indian"
by the time he published his autobiography at the age of 54.
Gravitating from the small town, Kishorganj, to Calcutta to read
History at the Scottish Church College, he stood first in the
B.A. exams in Calcutta University, probably then the colonial
world's premier institution of higher studies. As spectacularly,
he proceeded to fail his M.A.. He then took up a series of jobs;
and, for a time, notably, was secretary to the nationalist Sarat
Bose. Yet he continued to feel uneasy with Indian nationalism,
and with the post-Independence Bengali, and Indian middle class.
The Bengali bhadralok worshipped a good degree, but never forgave
or forgot a bad one; it extolled professional success, and
berated lack of ambition. Chaudhuri evidently knew what it meant
to be judged by these standards; in his Preface, he said: "...
after passing the age of 50 I am faced with the compulsion to
write off all the years I have lived and begin life anew. My
friends say I am a failure; and I dare say they will now think I
am trying to excuse that failure; I will not concede the point".
Dutt turned from English to Bengali with a similar refusal to
accept failure; Chaudhuri turned from Bengali, and, in effect,
Bengalis, in order to articulate a nuanced, but panoramic,
picture of a Bengali sensibility; in both cases, the construction
of "Bengaliness" is connected, in different ways, to English.
All his life, Chaudhuri strove to both express his Bengaliness
and to escape it; he was profoundly a part of the Bengali
bhadralok class, but could not bear to be a part of it; he fled
to England in 1970, taking up permanent residency there. If
Chaudhuri's first act of distancing was to write his
autobiography in the English language, his second act of
distancing himself from his intellectual antecedents in the
Bengal Renaissance (which was also one of the principal authors
of Indian nationalism) was his lapidary dedication itself, placed
at the beginning of the book, which made him infamous in his own
land:
TO THE MEMORY OF THE
BRITISH EMPIRE IN INDIA
WHICH CONFERRED SUBJECT
HOOD ON US
BUT WITHHELD CITIZENSHIP;
TO WHICH YET
EVERY ONE OF US THREW OUT THE
CHALLENGE:
"CIVIS BRITANNICUS SUM"
BECAUSE
ALL THAT WAS GOOD AND LIVING
WITHIN US
WAS MADE, SHAPED AND QUICK
ENED
BY THE SAME BRITISH RULE
This 12-line signpost of Indian literary history, announcing its
striking act of disowning while proclaiming its embarrassing
allegiance, is absent, however, from the 1999 Picador reissue of
the Autobiography; handling the book, I could not understand why
it felt incomplete, why I felt something was missing. When I
realised, at last, what it was, I phoned the publisher, Peter
Straus; he confessed to being as surprised as I was, and said he
would investigate. Later, he told me that the dedication had been
lost somewhere in the course of the book's publishing history,
and that Picador had just inherited the text the way it had
appeared from its former publishers. Straus has since promised,
of course, that the dedication will be restored. Why the
dedication disappeared at all is mysterious; certainly, one has
no reason to believe that Chaudhuri disowned, at some point, his
own act, and proclamation, of disowning. Was it, then, censored,
or excised, by a well-meaning Western publisher (my old Indian
Jaico edition certainly has the dedication)?
In choosing English, Chaudhuri was, of course, offering himself
to a worldwide audience, if by "world" we mean the Anglophone
West. The "unknown" in the title, thus, is partly ironical, a
slap in the face of a society he felt had largely ignored him.
When Dutt published his epic, the Bengali readership was
relatively amorphous and fluid, itself a kind of transitional
text. Dutt could write to his friend: "Many Hindu ladies, I
understand, are reading the book and crying over it". He could
also relate to the same friend, Raj Narain, in another letter, an
account, of an evolving readership, charged with mischief,
subterfuge, and wonder, the poet himself parodying the acts of
disowning and recovery, posing first as Westernised, Anglophone
philistine, then proudly declaiming his own poem in Bengali:
Some days ago I had occasion to go to the Chinabazar. I saw a man
seated in a shop and deeply poring over Meghanad. I stepped in
and asked him what he was reading. He said in very good English;
- "I am reading a new poem, Sir!" "A poem!" I said. "I thought
there was no poetry in your language." He replied - "Why, Sir,
here is poetry that would make my nation proud." I said, "Well,
read and let me know." My literary shopkeeper looked hard at me
and said, "Sir, I am afraid you would not understand this
author." I replied, "Let me try my chance." He read out of Book
11 that part wherein Kam returns to Rati ... How beautifully the
young fellow read ... I took the poem from him and read out a few
passages to the infinite astonishment of my new friend. How
eagerly he asked where I live? I gave him an evasive reply, for I
hate to be bothered with visitors.
The question of the "audience", however, is a vexed one today for
Indian writers in English, complicated by the ideas of post-
coloniality, appropriation and authenticity. "Which audience do
you write for?" is a question asked invariably and indefatigably,
at readings, of Indian English writers published in the West, its
underlying political presumption being that the only morally
defensible answer is, "For an Indian audience". Although such
choices are hardly ever deliberately or simply made, Chaudhuri's
great autobiography, written obviously with a Western audience in
mind, makes nonsense of the claim that writing for a Western
audience is necessarily incompatible with exploring the most
subtle and recondite features of one's culture; for in addressing
the West, he is both defining himself against it, and also
addressing a part of himself, in that the West is profoundly a
part of the intellectual formation of the modern Indian.
If English, for Chaudhuri, is the language by which he disowns
Bengaliness, it is also his sole, and most powerful, instrument
of recovering and expressing it; every sentence in the book - in
the unparalleled poetry of its descriptions of the East Bengali
landscape, and its portrayal of middle-class Calcutta - is imbued
with the Bengaliness it also implicitly rejects. For Chaudhuri,
recovery begins, indeed, in the midst of acting as interpreter to
a non-Bengali, non-Indian audience. For instance, in his small
prefatory note, Chaudhuri refers to Kishorganj as a "little
country town"; a page later, in the first sentence of the first
chapter, he is already dismantling the canonical English and
literary resonances of the phrase in order to convey a lived, but
unacknowledged, reality. His description occurs, as we see,
between two definitions, one disowned, the other recovered:
"Kishorganj, my birthplace, I have called a country town, but
this description, I am afraid, will call up wholly wrong
associations. The place had nothing of the English country town
about it, if I am to judge by the illustrations I have seen and
the descriptions I have read ..." What, then, is the Kishorganj
he posits against the English phrase? It is something in-between,
a hybrid, a colonial construct, like "Bengaliness" itself: "one
among a score of collections of tin-and-mat huts or sheds,
comprising courts, offices, schools, shops and residential
dwellings, which British administration had raised up in the
green and brown spaces of East Bengal?"
But to embark upon the Autobiography in English was a solitary
project. It was like being in an echo chamber, listening to your
own voice. Dutt had had the "literary shopkeeper" to read his
poem to; Chaudhuri had only himself. In an essay called "My
Hundredth Year", Chaudhuri recalls how, when he began to write
his book, the act of composing involved a play of echoes (audible
echoes as well as literary ones) and a talking to oneself: "I
read what I had written aloud and then also read a passage from
some great work of English prose in the same way. If the two
sounds agreed I passed my writing". The reason for this, as
Chaudhuri puts it, was "an acute anxiety", a sense of
dispossession, for "I did not learn English from Englishmen, nor
hear it as spoken by native speakers of the language till late in
life". Chaudhuri, like many of his generation and background,
learnt English as a second language. English prose style, in the
hands of writers like Chaudhuri and Naipaul, has been an
instrument of ambivalence; neither of these two writers, among
the greatest post-colonial stylists of English prose, came from
the upper reaches of their respective societies. On the other
hand, Rushdie's khichdi prose, with its "Bombay mix" of Hindi,
English, and Indian English, is a hegemonic language, and the
increased use of a similar English in films, books and
advertisements signals the coming of age of an upper-middle class
generation in post-Independence, post-liberalisation India. This
is not to either praise or condemn it, but to point out that, in
order to appreciate its comedy and excitement, it is important to
remember that this khichdi language is very far from an African
creole or pidgin, or being a language of the dispossessed. On the
other hand, English prose style, in Chaudhuri's hands, becomes
the measure of one who feels he does not quite belong; it is
partly a language of suggestion, which is why sound and rhythm
are such significant components of it. Chaudhuri believed in
ideas, opinions and positions, but believed equally in the
prosody of the English sentence: "There is no such thing as one
standard rhythm of English prose. English prose rhythms are
bewilderingly diverse ..." There is, thus, a greater tension
between sense and sound, between the different resonances,
audible and half-heard, of what Chaudhuri says, than either his
readers or even he has given himself credit for. English prose
style, and its auditoriness, becomes, for Chaudhuri, a mapping of
an area between control and dispossession, between the authority
of words and the suggestion of sound.
He moved permanently to England when he was 73 years old, living
a suburban life with his wife on Lathbury Road in North Oxford.
But he was never happy with a Britain that had lost its Empire
and become a satellite of America. Disillusionment followed, and
when he was approaching his hundredth year, he wrote in his last
book, Three Horsemen of the New Apocalypse: "... in 1970, when I
came to England never to return to my country ... my premonitions
of decadence in England finally became a conviction gaining with
the years an accelerated force". Occasionally, you could see him
moving about in Oxford in a tweed jacket or a suit, although one
hears he also wore the traditional costume of the Bengali
bhadralok, the dhoti and panjabi, to the end of his days. Style,
for the modern, colonial Indian, is not only a feature of prose
and language, but has also to do with a style of existence and a
manner of dressing, the latter becoming a code through which,
again, the negotiations of distancing and retrieval are made.
Watching the film version of The Picture of Dorian Gray on
television, my wife commented that Wilde reminded her of
Madhusudan Dutt. It was the literary genius, the larger-than-life
grandiloquence, and the tragic denouements the two men shared
that she was speaking of; but she was also referring to, I think,
how a style of existence and even dress can become, for the
colonial, a self-definition. Dorian Gray is an allegory of self-
division played out in the realm of appearance and visibility -
the portrait. Wilde's exquisitely caustic observation, "Only
shallow people do not judge by appearances", takes on an added
resonance as a serious dictum about the colonial sensibility.
Dutt himself was notable for his appearance, and that appearance
seemed to provoke literary correspondences; its dark-hued majesty
made contemporaries compare him to Othello. A story to do with
dress revolves around his days as a Christian youth; as a student
of Bishop's College, Calcutta, he wanted to wear the European
long coat, which, however, only European students were permitted
to wear; "native" students were to only wear the "national
dress". In protest, he apparently wore such loud and "rainbow-
hued" (an adjective used by a contemporary) versions of "national
dress" that the exasperated authorities gave in, and allowed him
to put on the long coat. Style, here, becomes a visible part of
the process of disowning and recovery. Gandhiji's abandonment of
Western dress for the loin cloth is well known; Nehru brought a
personal dimension to colonial style, relinquishing Western
clothes for an Indo-Persian suit, since then identified as the
"national dress". Qurratulain Hyder suggests ironically in her
novel, Aag Ka Dariya (River of Fire), that the "national dress"
in India is, after all, a hybrid, Nehruvian construct. Tagore, in
his middle years, dressed up as a holy man in a long, loose robe,
while the middle-class Brahmo reformism of his poetry and prose
kept pre-colonial Hindu India at arm's length. Chaudhuri, moving
back and forth between bowler hat and dhoti, was a late, striking
addition to the annals of colonial style, reminding one as much
of its capacity for parody as of its serious intent.
Chaudhuri died in his hundred and first year, his small, unlikely
figure having embraced an extraordinary century almost in its
entirety, and having embodied, too, its strange contradictions
and journeys; being a Hindu, he was cremated. There is, thus, no
part of English soil that will be forever Kishorganj. His
personal library was bequeathed, probably by one of his sons, to,
of all places, the Calcutta Club library. This club is an elite
social institution not particularly noted for its literary
activities, and had been founded in the early 20th Century as a
liberal response to the Bengal Club, where "dogs and Indians"
were once "not allowed" - a nationalistic raison d'etre for
springing into being that Chaudhuri would probably have not
approved of. Visiting the library recently, I found a room with a
glass door had been set aside on the upper level, furnished and
decorated like the room of a suburban expatriate Bengali of a
certain generation, where, along with a few bottles of wine and
some artefacts, books were on display. Such exhibits of
contemporary culture are relatively unusual in Calcutta, although
the places of pilgrimage in this colonial city are secular ones -
not the tombs of saints found in the more ancient cities, but the
houses in which the poets and writers of the Renaissance lived,
like Tagore's house in Jorasanko, or the graves in which they
were buried. Dutt's grave in Park Circus cemetery is largely
unvisited. The day my wife and I went to look at it, the bust of
that fierce, moustached head stared determinedly into the
distance; the only other person there was a woman from Europe or
America, searching absently among the tombstones for some name
that belonged to her genealogy.
* * *
Editing an anthology of Indian writing, I came upon, once more,
the figure of Michael Madhusudan Dutt, or Michael, as he has
often been called in modern Bengal. I remember him from the
folklore I became acquainted with in my childhood; for the
folklore that every Bengali child would have then become familiar
with, even those growing up far away from Calcutta and Bengal, as
I was, had as much to do with demons and kings, superheroes and
villains, as with the figures who emerged with, and also brought
into being, modernity in Bengal: the social reformers,
nationalists, and writers who formed what is often called the
Bengal Renaissance. These, besides Tarzan and the Phantom, were
our superheroes; and we, without being entirely conscious of it,
imbibed a narrative that told us of a constellation of supermen
who had emerged from a seemingly androgynous race that the
English once called "effeminate", a pejorative that the Bengalis
had taken to heart. The monsters and villains they had once
overcome, and now battled with again daily for our entertainment
and instruction, were conservatism, greed, the caste-system,
religion - indeed, the very condition, it appeared, of being
Indian - and, of course, the coloniser and his language. (Ashis
Nandy's subtitle, to his first book, The Intimate Enemy, "loss
and recovery of self under colonialism", comes to mind. What is
striking, however, is how active disowning, and not just
subconscious loss, plays a part, right from the beginning, in
shaping Indian modernity, and to what extent both disowning and
recovery determine the artistic transactions of the modern Indian
writer.) A relatively late instance, and variation, of this
paradigm is to be found in the works and the figure of Nirad C.
Chaudhuri, who died in 1998; probably the earliest, and most
powerful, instance is the figure of Michael Madhusudan Dutt (whom
Nandy also writes about in his book). To compare the later writer
to the earlier one is to see in what ways Chaudhuri's writing is
both a corollary, and overturning, of this narrative, of
rejection and recovery, of exile and citizenship.
Dutt's life - although it is full of both colour and tragic
grandeur, its dimensions exaggerated to the point, sometimes, of
being parodic - is prescient of the journeys made, decisions
taken and moments of crisis in the lives of later, "post-
colonial" writers.
Importantly, it would create a secular space in which tradition
was no longer an autochthonic, hierarchical set of codes or
orthodoxies that must be adhered to, but an inescapable part of
the modern Indian self that was being constructed in the 19th
Century, the renewing power of that tradition sanctioned by no
higher an authority than the individual himself.
The struggle between the Freudian id and superego that marks the
post-Enlightenment Western self is rewritten, in the formation of
the secular Indian self, in terms of a struggle between the
vernacular and English languages, secular and religious meanings.
Concluded
The first and second parts of this article appeared in The Hindu
on July 15 and July 22.
Amit Chaudhuri is the author of A NewWorld and is one of India's
leading novelists writing inEnglish.
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