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Delicate choices before Putin
By Pran Chopra
MOSCOW, AUG 2. For the Russian President, Mr. Vladimir Putin
there is more at stake than the ABM in his dialogue with the U.S.
President, Mr. George Bush which began in Slovenia. Its outcome
can twist a delicate choice he must make soon, and a wrong turn
can take him into wilderness. An election result declared on July
30 has reminded him of this possibility.
Mr. Putin has had time enough as President to consolidate his
popularity and to make up his wish list. Now he must convert his
popularity into effective power, because he stands on the
threshold of a critical phase. The third year is crucial for a
four-year president who is allowed only one more term. Therefore,
he must decide now whether he wants to work for a second term or
for a place in history. Or to gamble for both. The first choice
calls for popular measures for a while and then early elections
for a Duma which would reinforce his presidency instead of
trying, as the present Duma, to be a rival centre of power. The
second choice calls for doing what the country needs most,
whatever the electoral consequences. The third , despite the risk
of falling between two stools, means giving bitter pills for 12
months and then some sweets for making the fourth year a platform
for a second term.
Until he met Mr. Bush in Slovenia Mr. Putin had such a high
public rating that he could either use it for taming the existing
Duma despite the strong communist presence in it, or for getting
a new one elected which would not try to resist him. He chose
well, and Duma passed most government Bills without mauling them
too much. In the meantime, he has also been able to stitch a
party alliance behind him, which he did not have when he won his
first Presidency. More important, he has been able to make a
start with that which Russia lacked in the Yeltsin years, and for
lacking which it had lacked everything - stability, confidence
and the beginnings of a sense of pride in itself.
But that has not been the result of his policies, whether
intended or implemented. It has been the result of his
personality. He is rightly seen and admired as sincere,
energetic, brisk without being hasty, daring to stand up to those
upon whose patronage Mr. Yeltsin had become dependent in his
later years, and all that has given him the benefit of a strong
synergy between his images at home and abroad. The more the
Russian people show confidence in him the higher he rises in the
eyes of the world, and the more that happens, the more Russia
rallies around him. That is how he was able to do a lot in the
first half of the first term.
But a huge lot more remains for him to do yet because of the
basket of vipers Yeltsin handed him. The flight of capital
continues because corrupt oligarchs remain powerful. The country
remains divided between the very rich and the very poor, between
Moscow and the regions. The path of democracy is still rocky. A
unified and unifying federal system is not in place as yet. Nor a
genuinely multi-layered party system which alone can sustain it.
Chechnya still festers. Little of the foreign investment is going
into industrial economy or the infra-structure. Consumerism is
rampant in Main Street, Moscow, and so much of what is consumed
is imported that repatriation of profits from the sale of luxury
goods is still adding to the outward flow, while taxes are being
kept low to keep investors happy no matter what they invest in.
The time is now for a sound strategy of development and specific
policies to back it.
But this is precisely when the synergy may falter. Ever since
Slovenia, Mr. Bush's people have been parading four placards in
Moscow. One, America is gong ahead with NMD even if it means
discarding ABM. Two, not much time can be spared or is needed for
negotiations with Moscow because there is nothing much to
negotiate. Three, the gap between the two countries is narrowing,
which in the context only means Mr. Putin is coming along and the
rest is postures. Four.
There are economic sticks and carrots for Russia, which the U.S.
Commerce and Trade Secretaries brought along to Moscow just when
Ms. Condoleezza Rice was here with her charm and arguments. But
if anything is known publicly, it is that Mr. Putin is far from
coming along. He made this as clear as can be in a superb press
conference immediately after Slovenia. The full text has to be
seen for his grasp of issues and detail and polite but firm
rebuttals. But people will soon ask who is kidding whom, and
either Mr. Putin's credibility will take a knock or the synergy.
In the meantime, the communists will drum up Bush bashing for all
they are worth, and what they are worth they have just
demonstrated. In their first win in the important province of
Nizhny Novgorod ,they have won the governorship by a big margin,
defeating the incumbent Governor who was backed by the Unity
Party, the only party which fully backs Mr. Putin.
A resolution of Russia's dilemma lies only in three
possibilities. One. Technical failure of NMD. Two. Such
opposition to it by Europe that Russia is seen in good company,
not only China's. Three. Russian technologies can nullify
America's NMD advantage at an affordable cost. The first two are
outside Russia's control. The third remains to be seen.
Therefore, if a second term for Mr. Putin is at stake, then also
at stake is his hope to be remembered as the maker of post-Soviet
Russia.
(Concluded)
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