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Deconstructing the legend
EACH of us has our first memory of Phoolan Devi. Mine is a faint
recollection of a short news report in 1981 of the killings of 22
men in Behmai. Naturally, it was what Phoolan Devi had done and
not what was done to her that first made her a public
personality. She had been raped at 10 by her "husband," gang-
raped again by the police in her late teens and then again by
upper-caste dacoits who resented this low-caste woman becoming a
leader of a gang of dacoits. Yet, such happenings had not become
news because it was acceptable to perpetrate violence on a person
who refused to accept her position in society.
Now that Phoolan Devi is no longer around, the familiar process
has begun of stripping the personality of a dead person who was
never really in the centre of society. That she was not a feared
dacoit. She never really led a gang. And she never really engaged
the police in an encounter. This is all part of the effort to
"deconstruct" the legend. The truth is that we were never quite
comfortable with Phoolan Devi, not once but twice, becoming a
Member of Parliament. We knew what she had lived through and that
made us a bit circumspect about expressing a definite negative
opinion about her new role. But we could not get ourselves to
accept that a low-caste former dacoit and alleged murderess could
sit in the Lok Sabha.
It was always easy to see Phoolan Devi the MP as an example of
the criminalisation of politics. There can be no justification
for the Behmai massacre, least of all as retribution for what
society had done to Phoolan Devi. But why is it that when
gangsters, smugglers and dacoits sit in Parliament that is
criminalisation of politics, and it is not the same thing with
political personalities in high positions who have
provoked/organised communal, caste and linguistic riots? Phoolan
Devi must have rubbed shoulders with many such "legitimate and
respectable" political workers who had the blood of hundreds on
their hands.
Phoolan Devi was and will always be a mystery. There were many
personas, many legends and she was an icon of many kinds. For
now, she is perhaps best remembered as an example of the
"criminalisation of society," not of politics. Society never gave
this intelligent girl/woman a chance to live a life of dignity.
First, it denied her a childhood. Then, because she refused to
accept a life ordained by her birth, position and family poverty,
it brutalised her, made her an outcaste and later a criminal.
Even after Phoolan Devi was brought into the "mainstream", she
did not get a second chance of living with dignity. Legitimate
society appropriated her for its own ends - as an anointed leader
of the low-castes, as a feminist from the Chambal ravines and as
a late 20th Century woman Robin Hood.
In retrospect, Phoolan Devi had a smaller chance of survival in
New Delhi than in the Chambal. She made the headlines once again,
she was hailed as a leader of the low-castes and in 1996 had a
stunning electoral victory. But she had become a pawn of the
legitimate political process which finally consumed her.
Even after the courts give their judgment, who killed her and why
will become as much a mystery as her own life was. India's
society probably killed her when it got her married at 10. There
are Phoolans being created every day, though most of them do not
become leaders of dacoit gangs. And for every brutalised Phoolan
who rebels against her situation, there must be 10 who are
crushed by "criminalised" society.
C. RAMMANOHAR REDDY
E-mail the writer at crr100@india.com
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