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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Thursday, August 30, 2001 |
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Violent ways
THE RANSACKING OF a private hospital in Thane by hoodlums
belonging to the Shiv Sena is indeed yet another reminder of the
lumpen proclivities of the adherents of Mr. Bal Thackeray's
outfit. It may be true that there were no communal overtones to
the Thane incident. The incident was one involving the
``sentiments'' of the Shiv Sena cadre - they were driven to the
destruction spree by a suspicion that the death of their local
leader, Anand Dighe, was caused by the negligence of the hospital
staff. In this sense, the Sena-sponsored violence was not
directed against anyone from the minority community or any
institution involved in any activity that Mr. Thackeray and his
ilk would describe as inimical to the ethos of the nation. But
then, the savage act that left the hospital demolished, one part
of the building was set on fire unmindful of the fact that the
lives of several in-patients were being endangered, is just
another instance of the lumpenism that Mr. Thackeray had
encouraged among his ranks over the years. And it is this aspect
of the incident that raises concerns. What is worse is that the
Sena leaders, including the former Maharashtra Chief Minister,
Mr. Narayan Rane, were reportedly there but refrained from
preventing their partymen from doing what they did.
The Shiv Sena's history, ever since its birth in the 1960s, is
marked by such lumpen behaviour by its ranks. And on every such
occasion - be it the violent attacks on trade unionists, on
members of organisations involved in defending the pluralist and
democratic traditions or on cultural activists - the Sena chief
had stood up to encourage their acts. Such violent means have
indeed been the mainstay of Mr. Thackeray's organisation building
effort. And unleashing such violence has always been the tactics
that the Shiv Sena chief had adopted to terrorise not just the
members of the minority communities (as it was witnessed in the
bloody violence unleashed against the Muslim community soon after
December 6, 1992) but also against all those who migrated to
Mumbai from the rest of India. The Sena hoodlums had only upheld
this ``tradition'' that Mr. Thackeray had cultivated over the
years. Mr. Thackeray could do this only because the civil
administration, for obvious reasons, had refused to deal with the
perpetrators of such violence in the same way as ordinary lumpens
are dealt with. This had not only created the space for the Sena
to grow into a political outfit but also accorded a sense of
legitimacy to the use of terror (and extortion) as a political
weapon. Hence, the imperative for the State Government in
Maharashtra now is to ensure that all those behind the Thane
hospital incidents are dealt with.
Similar concerns arise from the events in Ahmedabad too. The
violence in the town leading to the death of one person and
injury to several others (in police firing) is yet another
example of how even localised conflicts take on political and
communal overtones and lead to a sense of insecurity among the
common people. The Ahmedabad incidents, as have been reported,
are also a pointer to the consequences of the sectarian campaign
by outfits belonging to the Sangh Parivar. The violence that
rocked a part of the city was another instance of how a localised
conflict involving traders and a set of extortionists could be
blown into a riot with communal overtones. It is in this context
that it becomes necessary for the civil administration to launch
a consistent offensive against outfits that indulge in fomenting
sectarian strife rather than restrict itself to intervening only
when a riot breaks out. A pro-active civil administration guided
by the larger concerns of democracy and secularism alone can save
the situation from worsening even further. This indeed is the
message from the violent events in Thane and in Ahmedabad.
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