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Implementation issues in the WTO
By Muchkund Dubey
MOST OF the agreements and understandings reached during the
Uruguay Round trade negotiations are unequal and unbalanced from
the point of view of developing countries. This was mainly
because of the weak bargaining position of these countries, their
general state of unpreparedness for the negotiations, their
dearth of skilled manpower and financial resources to participate
effectively, and the lack of transparency in the negotiating
process.
Some of the agreements are inherently unequal and unbalanced. The
Agreement on TRIPS is in contradiction with the objective of
liberalising international trade, as it is designed essentially
to protect the monopoly rights of patent holders. It has also
been apparent that the implementation of this agreement will
result in manifold increases in the prices of life-saving drugs
in developing countries. The agreements on TRIPS, TRIMS,
agriculture and subsidies have the effect of irretrievably
closing for the developing countries macro-economic policy
options which developed countries enjoyed till recently. These
include granting process patent only and adopting investment
policies to promote the use of local resources and skills.
Subsidies normally maintained by developed countries have been
made non-actionable, while several of those given by developing
countries in pursuit of an export-led development strategy have
either been prohibited or put in the actionable category.
Subsidies to farmers maintained by major developed countries
have, instead of coming down, gone up primarily because these
countries were able to switch over to subsidies permissible under
the Agreement on Agriculture, before the commencement of its
implementation. In the case of export subsidies on agricultural
products, the countries which had not used them before the
Uruguay Round are not allowed to resort to them while those using
such subsidies are expected to decrease it by a small margin.
Because of the back-loading provision of the Agreement on
Textiles and Clothing (ATC), most of the textile exports from
developing countries will remain under restriction until 2005.
Several of these instances of inherent asymmetries were brought
out in the evaluations of the agreements carried out soon after
the Uruguay Round. Others came to the surface during the
implementation of the agreements. Some of the agreements are not
being implemented in their true spirit. For example, developed
importing countries have sought to comply with the targets of
liberalisation set out in the ATC by taking credit for the items
already outside restriction. Fresh obstacles are being raised to
the implementation of the highly limited and conditional
commitments taken by developed countries during the negotiations
on the movement of natural persons.
Due to the TRIPS Agreement, several developing countries are
finding it extremely difficult to provide drugs to HIV/AIDS-
affected population at affordable prices. Besides, this Agreement
has no provision for identifying the source of knowledge or bio-
resources while applying for the grant of patents based thereon.
Consequently, several patents based on the bio-resources and
traditional knowledge in developing countries have been granted,
thus resulting in the piracy of these resources. Patenting of
neem and basmati are some of the striking examples.
These and similar other actions by developed countries have made
the unequal Uruguay Round agreements even more inequitable. These
have tilted the balance further away from developing countries
and severely compromised their position under the WTO.
Provisions in the WTO Agreements on special and differential
treatment for developing countries are of a non-binding nature
and couched in best endeavour terms. In the implementation
process, developed countries have totally ignored these
provisions. To cite one example, Articles 7 and 8 (Objectives &
Principles) of the TRIPS Agreement provide for taking into
account the development needs of developing countries,
transferring technologies to them, preventing monopolistic trends
and safeguarding public interest and public health. As of now,
there is no understanding on how these provisions can be
implemented.
A group of like-minded developing countries identified various
instances of inequalities and imbalances in the Uruguay Round
agreements and submitted some 93 formal proposals for rectifying
them. These proposals, known as the implementation issues, were
pursued during the preparatory process of and at the Third WTO
Ministerial Conference held in Seattle in November-December,
1999. However, since the Conference ended in a fiasco, no
decision could be taken.
After Seattle, developing countries have pursued the
implementation issues in five special sessions of the WTO General
Council. But the results so far have been only of a procedural
nature. Even the European Union, which has a relatively more
liberal position on the subject, thinks implementation issues
calling for a renegotiation of the existing agreements could be
considered only as a part of a new round of negotiations to be
launched at the next WTO Ministerial Meeting in Doha. Developing
countries are not prepared to enter into any fresh commitments in
future trade negotiations until the implementation issues are
resolved. They are opposed to establishing a link between these
issues and a new round of trade negotiations. For, if such a link
is established, they will be required to offer quid pro quo for
something which needs to be rectified on its own merits and for
which they have already paid a price.
Inspite of the meagre results achieved so far, the pursuit by
developing countries of the implementation issues for more than a
year and a half now has been worthwhile. These issues have been
put at the very centre of post-Seattle deliberations in WTO.
Developed countries have recognised the concern of the developing
countries regarding these issues as a serious matter. The debate
has created an awareness among developing countries that they
have to be better prepared, more conscious of their rights and
more united in future trade negotiations. In fact, in the very
process of pursuing these issues, they have become more united
than before.
The implementation issues are not a spanner thrown by a group of
developing countries to escape a new round of trade negotiations.
Their attempt to resolve them is designed to safeguard their most
vital trading interests and to restore a modicum of balance in
WTO agreements after an unfortunately belated realisation that
developing countries were short- changed in the Uruguay Round
negotiations. What is at stake is the very credibility of the
international trading system in the eyes of the developing
countries. Resolution of the implementation issues is the only
way to restore credibility.
It is essential for the developing countries to adopt a selective
approach in pursuing these issues. They should put lesser
emphasis on measures of a discretionary nature, those seeking
unilateral concessions and gestures of a non-trading nature, and
once-for-all extensions of datelines providing interim reliefs.
Instead, the stress should be on revising the existing rules, on
their equitable application and on reaching agreements on the new
rules of the game. Much higher priority should be attached to
seeking greater access to the markets of the developed countries
in the areas of interests to developing countries.
They should not accept solutions of a procedural nature except
those designed to open up for review and negotiation, agreements
which are inherently unfair and inequitable. These countries
should keep on vigorously pursuing the implementation issues
between now and the Doha Meeting. At Doha, serious negotiations
should be carried out to resolve as many of these issues as
possible. The outcome to be sought at the end of the meeting
should be: (a) Insistence on the resolution of issues arising out
of non-implementation per se; (b) An understanding that
implementation issues of a structural nature will be addressed
seriously during the course of the on-going reviews of the
relevant agreements; (c) The continuance of the arrangement of
pursuing these issues in special sessions of the WTO General
Council.
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