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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Sunday, September 16, 2001 |
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Opinion
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Fears for the future
We need to put the astrology debate within the broader framework
of the Government's education policy in general, writes Supriya
RoyChowdhury.
HE IS our quaint R. K. Narayan character, located on the dusty
road of Malgudi, sporting a forehead full of sacred ash and
vermilion, professional equipment laid out on the pavement - a
dozen shells, a square piece of cloth with mystic charts on it, a
notebook and a bundle of palymra writing. Narayan forgot to add
the inevitable parrot, in a small cage, which invariably
accompanies the street side astrologer, ubiquitous anywhere in
India. Suddenly this harmless figure becomes a symbol of deep
ideological contestation, of serious debates as to whether
astrology is science, as the modern Indian academician struggles
with the notion of the ash-vermilion-parrot combination making
its way into the portals of universities as Reader or Professor.
What is a meagre living for an ingenuous, street-smart character,
or a harmless pastime for some, suddenly has to become a part of
our political discourse. This testifies perhaps that the
boundaries of our political culture are limitlessly extendable,
that the line between sense and senselessness is indeed thin, and
more importantly, that power and intelligence are really at
cross-purposes in the present political scenario.
As a recent editorial of Current Science puts it, the battle is
not between astrology and science. Rather it is between the UGC -
proposing to introduce astrology as a subject of scientific study
in universities - and the scientific community. The dynamics of
this battle say a great deal not only about a political party
using state power to inscribe a particular ideology, but being
able to completely ignore democratic procedures and norms in
order to push this agenda.
Thus we need to put the astrology debate within the broader
framework of the Government's education policy in general. The
recently- concluded parliamentary debates on this issue
highlighted the essentially undemocratic character in which the
National Curriculum Framework for School Education (NCF) was
pushed through. It was pointed out, first, that the NCF was
enacted without the Minister of Human Resource Development
convening a meeting of the Central Advisory Board of Education
(CABE). The National Policy of Education, 1986, had laid down the
centrality of the CABE in all matters pertaining to changes in
education policy. The Minister justified the NCF on grounds that
it had been considered by the NCERT and approved by State
Education Ministers. In reality it appears that during the
NCERT's annual general meeting the NCF was a fait accompli and
considered as already passed.
This failure to anchor the process of public policy making in the
broad domain of public debate is apparent at every stage of the
unfolding drama in education. A large number of academicians has
written to the Chairman of the UGC, underlining the non-rational
and non-scientific foundations of astrology, and have called for
the withdrawal of the scheme to introduce it in universities. The
ineffectiveness of these measures of protest stands out. At least
two universities have gone ahead with creating astrology
departments. More importantly, the UGC chairman has not replied
to any of these protest letters.
Ignoring protests in the expectation that they will die down is
not an unusual strategy of governance in India. However, the
UGC's blanket of silence underlines two things. First, the UGC
possibly has very little to offer by way of a substantive defence
in the face of the academics' criticism; second, the Government
is obviously prepared to shield the UGC chairman's highly
inappropriate behaviour in not responding to these criticisms.
All of these are unpleasant reminders that the facade of
democracy in India conceals a highly undemocratic culture of
governance. In a statement released on April 18, more than 100
scientists in top scientific research institutions across the
country called for the UGC Chairman's resignation, and for a
broad-based movement to press for his dismissal. Expectedly, the
Government has done nothing about this.
One may take a moment to look at the Government's broader
justificatory framework for introducing courses in Vedic
Mathematics and astrology. This framework underlines the need for
value-based education, with a stress on our traditional values.
The question of values, when anchored in texts such as Vedas and
practices such as astrology, obviously refer to values associated
with a particular religious tradition, and goes completely
against the logic of a multi-religious nation. But even apart
from this fundamental digression from the secular paradigm, it is
extremely odd that a Government unashamedly committed to the
introduction of a globalised market in the country should at the
same time speak of values, traditional or otherwise. The culture
that comes with an aggressively consumption oriented, highly
elitist, and crudely inegalitarian model of market-based
development, in the context of a desperately poor country, is
nothing if not valueless. It is this double-speak that highlights
the Government's hypocrisy more than anything else.
But then, as we also know, Governments are responsive and
accountable to the extent that they are forced to be. It is
interesting that not one of the national scientific academies has
taken an official position in opposition to the Government on the
astrology issue. Fellows of the Indian Academy of Sciences have
written to the President of the Academy urging him to convey the
critical views of the Fellows to the UGC Chairman. These
initiatives have brought forth no action on the part of the
President, not even in the form of a reply to these letters. (The
only exception to this pattern of official silence has been an
open letter to the UGC Chairman by Prof. G. Srinivasan, in his
capacity as President of the Astronomical Society of India as
well as President of the Division on Space and High Energy
Astrophysics of the International Astronomical Union.) This
discrepancy between the clamour of protests within the scientific
community and the failure of the Academies to express an official
critique of the UGC's astrology agenda is obviously due to the
reluctance of the scientific establishment to engage in a
substantive dispute with the powers that be. The scientific
establishment's close dependence upon the state is not only for
research funding, but also for things like high profile positions
of power within the Government's scientific agencies and
committees, and similar largesse that the state is in a position
to offer. This provides a partial window to the ineffectiveness
of the academics' critique of the Government's education policy.
To their credit, the struggle goes on, as far as the academic
community is concerned, supported by organisations such as SAHMAT
who have initiated a national debate on the general issue of
communalisation of education, and sought to engage a broad
spectrum of critical citizens on this question. In a context
where many of the pillars of our democracy are crumbling, the
value of such critical dissent cannot be emphasized enough.
One wishes, though, that the academic community's critical
discourse was not so imprisoned within the immediacy of the
astrology/saffronisation issue. Universities in India have been
in a state of decline for many years now. The elite of the
academic science community, ensconced in the comfort of top
research institutions, and inhabiting, for all practical
purposes, an international (read western) professional habitat,
has rarely, if ever, reacted to the rapid degeneration of the
university system. This curiously ostrich-like approach fails to
recognise that a declining university system cuts at the roots of
higher education in any context, and in fact potentially destroys
the foundations on which these elite scientific research
institutions stand. Therefore, if the protection of universities
and of science education is the broad concern, one needs to
acknowledge that saffronisation maybe the biggest threat, but not
the only one. There would be a greater measure of credibility,
and perhaps power, in the academics' protest if it was anchored
within the broad issue of institutional erosion in education.
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