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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Tuesday, September 18, 2001 |
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Combating corruption
AS A DOCUMENT which enumerates the various socio-economic causes
of corruption in India and catalogues the measures needed to
arrest it, the Vigilance Commission's just-released Citizens'
Guide does not contain many novel or trailblazing ideas. But it
does more than a good job of identifying the appalling scale of
the problem and the urgent need to tackle it. Much of the subject
matter between the two covers of the CVC's guide to fighting
corruption has a familiar ring to it. This is not surprising as
the publication bears the unmistakable stamp of the Chief
Vigilance Commissioner, Mr. N. Vittal, who has used his office to
carry out a high-profile campaign aimed, on the one hand, at the
modification of the rules and procedures which encourage
corruption and, on the other, at sensitising the public about the
menace.
Corruption in India has assumed such large proportions and
variegated forms that large numbers of the public have come to
believe that it is impossible to get rid of this malaise. In such
an atmosphere of pervasive cynicism, one of the things that the
guide repeatedly emphasises - and quite correctly - is that the
scourge can be managed or controlled. Other countries have been
notoriously corrupt in the past (for example, Britain in the 18th
century) but have succeeded in tackling the problem through a
mixture of administrative and electoral reform. The situation in
America during the late 19th century vis-a-vis corruption bears a
strong causal resemblance to that which exists in India and many
other developing countries today. In dispelling the gloomy but
widespread notion that corruption in India cannot be curtailed,
the Citizens' Guide notes that even Botswana, according to a
World Bank report, has improved the probity in its public life.
The Chief Vigilance Commissioner, who evidently perceives his
office as a catalyst for organising a war against corruption in
India, may be a tad too optimistic if he believes that the guide
could become a common basis for citizens or groups of citizens to
mobilise themselves in this effort. But in a country which
buckles under the gigantic burden of corruption and struggles to
find a way to overcome its oppressive weight, any step towards
giving the still-nascent anti-corruption movement a fillip
deserves to be warmly commended. The guide acknowledges the need
for a variety of strategies to fight corruption, ranging from
general measures such as the simplification of rules and
procedures and the application of information technology to
specific steps such as trapping corrupt public servants. While
agencies such as the CVC can play a vital role, any comprehensive
strategy to combat corruption would have to involve other bodies
such as NGOs and the print and electronic media.
Although it may hurt the pride to admit it, India is one of the
most corrupt countries on the world map. The latest Corruption
Perception Index conducted by Transparency International, a
Berlin-based NGO which conducts an annual survey which attempts
to aggregate perceptions of corruption within countries, ranks
India a lowly 72 out of a list of 91 nations. It is small comfort
that nations such as Bangladesh or Uganda rank lower in this list
of infamy. As early as 1964, the Santhanam Committee, which was
set up to examine the increasing menace of corruption in the
administration, observed that the ``tendency to subvert integrity
in the public services instead of being isolated... is growing
into an organised well-planned racket''. If anything, it has
grown much larger and become even better organised since. The war
against corruption is formidable and not going to be easy to win,
but the CVC or anyone else who fires a few salvos deserves to be
cheered for engaging the enemy.
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