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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Sunday, September 23, 2001 |
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Opinion
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Communal card does not pay anymore
By Harish Khare
NEW DELHI, SEPT. 22. While Mr. L.K. Advani is trying hard to play
a hands-on Home Minister, grabbing headlines with `promise' of
``air space'' to the U.S., a part of his own Lok Sabha
constituency of Gandhinagar appears to have become disillusioned
with him. That the Congress was able to wrest the Sabarmati
Assembly seat in Mr. Advani's constituency is as much an
indictment of the Keshubhai Patel Government's non-performance as
an indication of the petering out of the ``promise of the Advani
politics.''
A Congress leader, Mr. Ahmed Patel, has described the by-election
outcome in Sabarmati (as well as in the Sabarkantha parliamentary
constituency) as ``a moral defeat for Mr. Advani and a moral
victory for Mrs. Sonia Gandhi.'' The Congress leaders are
entitled to their inferences; but, the extent of the BJP's defeat
can be gauged from the fact that in the 1999 Lok Sabha election,
Mr. Advani had carried the Sabarmati Assembly segment by a margin
of nearly 47,000 votes. This constituency is quintessentially a
BJP constituency, dominated by the rough-and- tough lower middle
class voters. Less than two years later, the same constituency
returns a Congress candidate by a victory margin of 18,000.
The significance of the Sabarmati defeat becomes more pronounced
when it is kept in mind that Mr. Advani's political presence
looms large in Gujarat. He is the king-maker and is widely seen
as the patron-in-chief of the present `king', Mr. Keshubhai
Patel. About a year ago the voters had expressed their
disenchantment with the BJP State Government when the party lost
comprehensively in the zilla panchyat elections. Yet the BJP high
command - meaning Mr. Advani - remained unconcerned at the total
non-performance in the only State in the country which the BJP
can count as its own. If Gujarat was to be the show-case of the
Advani promise of ``su-raj'', then the State and the rest of the
country could do without Mr. Advani's sales pitch.
The by-elections in Sabarkantha and Sabaramti was the first time
the voters were asked for a preference after the January 26
killer earthquake and the Madhavpura Mercantile Bank scandal. In
the first the people lost their homes, and in the second they
lost their savings.
On both occasions Mr. Advnai chose -as is his wont - to project a
very visible profile. Now, the voters in his constituency have
told him that notwithstanding all the good notices he manages to
get in the national press and on television networks, at least
they are not impressed and are, therefore, not averse to handing
him and the BJP the Sabarmati humiliation.
However, the BJP failure in the by-elections also points to the
limits of the politics of communal polarisation. In Sabarkantha,
which has a sizable tribal population, the BJP activists sought
to depict the Congress candidate (a newcomer to politics from the
NGO sector) as ``Father Pinto'', with the all too obvious
insinuation of a sectarian bias. In the 1999 Lok Sabha elections
the BJP garnered considerable electoral success by injecting a
``kristi vs. non-kristi'' (Christian vs. non- Christian) divide
in the tribal areas, exploiting to the hilt the ``Sonia Gandhi-
the-foreigner'' factor.
This time the voters were not taken in by the BJP's hate-
politics. Similarly, the BJP cadres were suspected of having
stoked communal tensions in the Daripur area (also part of Mr.
Advani's constituency) about a month ago, perhaps in the hope
that the revival of communal polarisation would help in the
Sabarmati by-elections.
The message is clear: the communal card will not work.
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