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Online edition of India's National Newspaper Wednesday, September 26, 2001 |
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Fortress America
By Achin Vanaik
ON SEPTEMBER 11 morning, two hours before we were supposed to
land at Washington's Dulles airport, our plane got diverted to
Montreal, Canada. Making our way down by land over the next two
days into upstate New York, Maryland and Washington, one was able
to get an insight into the public mood not just from the
international CNN- type broadcasting stations or the major
dailies but from a host of local TV stations and local newspapers
as well as from the average citizen met and spoken with. The
popular reaction provided sources of both hope and despair. Hope,
in that the shared moral outrage expressed across boundaries of
race, religion and ethnicity testified to the existence of a
universal humanitarian decency. Despair, that this potential for
a moral sensitivity that is impartial and universal was stymied
by the rapid surfacing of a predominantly nationalist insularity
of response to the tragedy.
The main question that preoccupied Americans was not why did this
happen but how could it happen? Or rather, insofar as the why
question was posed it was quickly disposed of to most peoples'
satisfaction. The perpetrators are mindless terrorists or
religious fanatics who hate America and what it stands for which
is decency, democracy, freedom, etc. Rare were the voices (mostly
religiously inspired pacifists or uncompromisingly liberal
elements) who were prepared to say that the U.S. must not seek
revenge by waging war on Afghanistan or engage in activities that
would itself amount to terrorism, i.e. killing the civilians of
other countries. Rarer still were the voices of those who were
prepared to point out, even as they expressed their pain and
outrage against the attacks on New York and Washington, that the
U.S. Government's actions abroad have helped create the breeding
ground from which sub-state and combat group terrorists have
emerged.
Wholly admirable was the way in which people across the country
united to support and offer help in carrying out the necessary
relief measures. Similarly, there was a perceptive and sensitive
discourse in the media on what the efforts to avoid such attacks
in the future might portend regarding restriction of civil
liberties thereby weakening the freedoms and decencies of
American society. Barring the fringe, most public political
figures opposed attacks on Americans of Arab, South Asian origin
or on ordinary Muslims in the country. That would be a betrayal
of the values that the U.S. is supposed to stand for. Even
rightwing Republican leaders made it a point to say that this was
not a war between the West and Islam but between the rest of the
world and terrorism.
Largely absent, however, was any recognition of the problems
caused by American foreign policy. The record here is simply
awesome, both in numbers and scale. It includes the nuclear
bombing of civilians in Hiroshima/Nagasaki, the use of chemical
weapons in Vietnam where over two million civilians were killed,
the use of sanctions since the Gulf War which have led to the
deaths of 1.2 million Iraqis of whom 500,000 were children.
Instead of any media self-introspection on these grounds, there
was an even stronger display of self-righteousness than usual.
Civilisation, best represented and led by the U.S., was under
attack. Therefore, all those (whether countries, groups or
individuals) who might refuse to support what the U.S. Government
intended to do in retaliation were effectively enemies of not
just the U.S. but of all civilised values.
Given such a mood, it was hardly surprising that two leaders of
Israel should try and seize the opportunity to harden the
attitudes of the American Government and public towards the
plight of the Palestinians. The former Israeli Premier, Mr.
Benjamin Netanyhu, called for the destruction of the Palestinian
Authority as a terrorist outfit while Mr. Ariel Sharon called Mr.
Yasser Arafat another Osama bin Laden. They were supported by
numerous prominent American personalities declaring in print and
TV/radio that now America knew what Israel has been suffering all
along. Matters were not helped by repeated broadcastings of film
clips of Palestinians celebrating the attacks. Mr. Arafat's act
of donating blood was not an effective counter in the public
relations battle being waged by the American right and Israel at
this juncture.
One thing is quite clear. Even if the evidence the U.S.
Government is accumulating is not sufficient to establish a
legally defensible case about an accused or suspect (Osama bin
Laden in this case), it simply could not afford to admit as much.
The public desire for revenge is so strong that it has to act.
There are several historical precedents for this, the most recent
being after the 1998 bombings of U.S. Embassies in East Africa.
The U.S. bombed a pharmaceutical complex in Sudan which suffered
unknown ``collateral damage'' (i.e. civilian deaths) and has ever
since blocked an independent U.N. investigation into its claim
that it was justified in doing so because it was part of Osama
bin Laden's network of activities.
Of course, the U.S. Government is not simply responding to
domestic pressure. The speed with which `long range thinking' was
put into place was also remarkable. It is clear that it wishes to
seize this opportunity to launch something like an 8-10 year
campaign to attack (on all continents) all armed sub-state groups
(and selected regimes) which are considered to be unacceptable to
American interests. So the issue is not just Osama bin Laden and
his network but the overthrow of the Taliban regime itself,
followed by other targets to be highlighted as and when
Washington chooses. This is not a war against terrorism but an
effort to establish maximum freedom of military-political
activity (of a kind and scale never before envisioned) for the
U.S. throughout the world.
Returning to India after the Washington trip, one was again
shaken by much of the public and media response. After initial
expressions of horror, the main preoccupation seems to be how
India can obtain enough foreign policy benefit, i.e. swing the
U.S. Government over to `our' side against Pakistan and its
sponsorship of terrorism in Kashmir. The overall result is that
only a small minority (though bigger than the even smaller
minority in the U.S.) of publicly articulated opinion declares
that in the fight against international terrorism, it is not just
sub-state actors/combat groups (whether or not
supported/sponsored by states) that are the culprits but that
states themselves are guilty of directing/executing terrorism.
Indeed, that the sustainability, diversity of forms, and sheer
scale of state terrorist acts and campaigns is qualitatively
greater and more dangerous than that of sub-state actors.
Moreover, among the culpable states is not just Pakistan and its
behaviour in Kashmir and Afghanistan but India (in Kashmir and
the Northeast), Russia (in Chechnya), China (in Tibet), Israel,
and a host of numerous other states with, of course, the U.S.
itself as far and away the worst offender.
To any morally impartial view which seeks to fight international
terrorism no matter who is responsible for it, the idea of
establishing a concert of nations led by the U.S. as the main
international mechanism (regardless of its getting a manipulated
sanction from the U.N.) through which one must fight terrorism,
is utterly unacceptable. One cannot legitimise as the main
correctors/policers of international terrorism those who are
themselves guilty of terrorisms which then not only goes
unpunished or unrecognised but is made unrecognisable. The double
standards involved here are not just morally shameful but
politically counter-productive because they will lead to more
widespread bitterness and alienation reinforcing the appeal of
those who claim that sub-state terrorism is the only form of
retribution to the strong to whom the principles of justice do
not apply. It is time to stand up and oppose the U.S.-led
coalition which will wage war on Afghanistan and to call on India
not to join it.
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