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World Bank in search of market
THE PUBLICATION of World Development Report (WDR) by the World
Bank every year is marked by a lot of publicity and fanfare. Last
year's report generated controversies over abrupt changes in
authorship and attempts to tutor the themes in the Report.This
year's WDR (World Development Report 2002: Building Institutions
for Markets) was released on September 12. The timing was
unfortunate since, a day earlier, terrorists had attacked the
World Trade Center, Washington and the Pentagon and news about
release of WDR was also covered in the debris.
It appears that unlike Bernard Shaw's Black Girl, the World Bank
continues its search for god. The black girl gave up her search
after marrying a coarse Irishman and giving birth to ``charmingly
coffee coloured''children. The Bank will not settle down to such
a mundane life and continue its search for false gods. Not as
long as Mr. James Wolfensohn continues as its President.
In a long article, Foreign Policy, September/October 2001,
Stephen Fidler documents the failings of Wolfensohn. The charge
is that ``under pressure from NGOs and other interested groups,
and as a result of his own insecurities, Wolfensohn has
surrendered the World Bank's intellectual integrity, rushing to
embrace the latest fads in development thinking regardless of
their substantive merit."
WDR 2002 provides convincing evidence of the lack of focus in the
research work in the Bank, addiction to fads and forays into
areas into non-developmental areas where it has no competence or
claims to enter.
In posing the themes it is high sounding. It claims that the
present WDR is a natural continuation of WDR 2000-01; and WDR
2003 will focus on other issues not covered so far such as
development of human, natural and environmental capital as well
as social cohesion and social stability.
Is it the case that when dealing with economic development or
social transformation, issues such as social cohesion and
stability are not relevant or not integral to the process? To
those who work on social change, the links between social
cohesion or stability and change should be clear and present and
not to be relegated to later work or volumes!
WDR 2002, like its predecessor WDR 2000-01, lacks an over-arching
political and social philosophy informing the themes. The present
writer had dealt with the infirmities of WDR 2000-01 in a
separate article. (World Development Report 2000-01, The Hindu,
November 23, 2000.)
The recurring themes in the WDR emphasise the need to build
institutions, complement institutions, innovate institutions or
connect institutions. All these are in support of the `market'
and to ensure `competition'. In all, the 193 pages of the WDR,
nowhere is there any discussion of the `market', what it
constitutes and how it is formed or grows. Market, in short, is
the queen bee to which all other institutions have to pay
obeisance like slave ants.
This is not an exaggeration. Consider the chapters and settings.
Chapter 1 sets the theme. It claims to ``provide a diagnostic
framework for understanding how institutions support market
activity.''While it makes a plea for supporting the market, it
fails to deal with the market in the larger context of societal
structure and its role in different structures.
Other chapters deal with specific areas such as ``Governance of
firms", ``financial systems", ``political institutions and
governance", ``the judicial system", ``competition", ``regulation
of infrastructure", ``societal norms and networks''and the
``media.''Each chapter weaves back and forth the concept of
information disclosure, protection and enforcement of property
rights leading to innovation, efficiency, productivity, trade and
growth. These are attempted in a rather mechanistic way more like
an impatient business executive wanting quick results.
When dealing with Government, the WDR makes the extraordinary
suggestion that ``the ability of the State to provide
institutions that support the market is an important determinant
of how well individuals behave in markets and how well markets
function.''``Successful provision of such institutions is often
referred to as `good governance' (p.99). There is no other test
of good governance!
``Market,''as perceived in the WDR 2002, is more a theological
concept or a nirvana than an analytical tool. Market will foster
growth and reduce poverty. It is now fashionable to link poverty
reduction with growth.
As Easterly, one of the leading bank economists, pointed out, the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank had, during the
last decade, given 36 poor countries ten or more loans each, with
conditions attached and ``the growth rate of income per person of
the typical member of this group during the past two decades was
zero.''There have been other attacks on the World Bank from
economists and journalists. The Bank has become defensive and
attacks, in turn, the developing counties for their alleged
failures.
For some years, the attack on developing countries was on their
failure to put through the ``reform process.''When the rigid
enforcement of reform process failed to show results, the tunes
were changed. In more recent years, they began to talk of the
need for ``second generation reforms''encompassing all aspects of
society and government. The contents of second generation were
not disclosed in advance or in full. The second generation army
is now in retreat. The WDR 2002 therefore shifts gear and mounts
an attack on weak institutions in developing countries and their
failure to support the market.
Institutions evolve over long periods and support societies.
Market is one among many, and, under modern conditions, it is no
doubt assuming greater importance. It is indeed a valuable
institution. Like all institutions, it should also serve the
society and the people constituting the society. If there is a
perception that the institutional matrix, including the market,
does not ensure equity and justice, the structure will not
survive. It is this rich and creative relationship between market
and other institutions that many social theorists of the past
have studied that WDR fails to capture. Or, is the Bank, by
according primacy to the ``market", trying to gain confidence of
the American business and Congress?
The WDR often talks of ``transaction cost''in most places and
uses the term loosely in a way that would disturb Ronald Coase.
Transaction cost, according to Coase, is not the cost of a
transaction. It is inherent in dealings with any contracting
party. There is always the risk of default and ``firms''are built
to overcome this risk. A firm, according to Coase, is a negation
of the market and, under ideal (costless) conditions, should not
exist. Growth of big corporations comes about when they
internalise the proprietary assets to capture the rents. WDR
blithely assumes that there would be readiness to share
information and all that is required to promote markets is to
facilitate free flow of information, protect and enforce property
rights, and the like. To say the least, this is a misreading of
Coase and ideological delusion. Market realities are more complex
than comprehended in the WDR 2002.
Likewise, there is an abiding faith on the behaviour of foreign
banks and companies and developing countries are advised to seek
their entry to strengthen their regulatory institutions or bring
about more competition.
The WDR has the humility to concede, ``There is no size that fits
all.''This was a criticism levelled against the Fund/Bank when
bailout packages were administered during the Asian crisis.
When dealing with the transfer of technology to the farmers, IPR,
TRIPS, bank regulation, and International Standards, the WDR
makes observations, which are closer to the views held by
intellectuals in developing countries. It is surprising that the
WDR should come out with these findings on the basis of detailed
work, but has not the damage already been done?
K. Subramanian
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