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Delegitimising childhood
For children below the age of six, early care and education are
essential. MINA SWAMINATHAN writes on a legislation that aims to
derecognise the rights of a child and analyses the likely fall-
out.
"LEARNING begins at birth" is the unforgettable opening phrase of
the Jomtien Declaration of 1990, which concluded the World
Conference on Education for All held that year. The phrase
reminds us that early childhood, the period from birth to eight
years, is the most significant period of human life, and a
critical one for learning, since the rate of brain growth is
maximum in the first two years of life, and 80 per cent of brain
growth is completed by age four.
Clearly, learning and education, are not the same as schooling,
which begins at different time (ranging from 4 to 7 years) in
different countries. For the young child, it is important to
ensure that the total surrounding environment and the available
activities and influences are those which promote holistic
learning and development. The words generally used to describe
this are ECCD (Early Childhood Care and Development) or ECCE
(Early Childhood Care and Education). But if one prefers to use a
single popular word like "education", it must refer to that
cluster of activities. ECCD must be suited to the young child's
age and stage of development, the needs of the family and the
cultural context. It need not necessarily take place within the
four walls of a "school" nor need the children be in large groups
more appropriate for older children. ECCE may imply a creche,
where working parents and families need it or a parent support
programme, or entitlements to enable working mothers to care for
their babies for the first few months of life, or a preschool
programme based on play, or even a coaching class to help
children enter a coaching class to help children enter primary
school.
ECCD is the most urgent need for the 161 million Indian children
below the age of six, of whom 60 million or more live in poverty.
It is also their basic right, enshrined in Article 45 of our
Constitution. Yet the Government of India, which has ratified
both the Jomtien Declaration and the Convention on the Rights of
the Child (CRC) wishes, through the 93rd Amendment, to deprive
young children of their rights forever. This infamous legislation
aims to derecognise the needs and rights of the young child, to
make sure that the State has no responsibility for the care and
development of the young child, and that the family, and the
family alone, is responsible. Surely this is the most anti-child
move made by the State since Independence. Further, it is anti-
poor, since early intervention is the best way to bridge the gap
between the privileged few and the deprived majority, but with
this step, only the children of the wealthy can have the
privilege, not the right, to ECCD.
But this is not all. This cruel anti-poor legislation not only
privatises the child and perpetuates inequality, it is also
deeply anti-woman. For when the young child is derecognised, the
services of the millions of women child care workers, the "first
teachers" of the child, will also be delegitimised. These women
can never be recognised as skilled or trained workers, or as
teachers, deserving respect for their work, a developmental
activity, and so entitled to a decent wage.
Strangely, the National Policy on Education (1986) clearly states
that child care workers will be treated on par with primary
teachers, and receive similar emoluments and working conditions.
But now they will condemned to live forever as mere "volunteers",
(though not by their own choice), and to receive only a meagre
pittance cruelly called an honorarium, which is far less than the
Minimum Wage available to an unskilled worker. Is this not crass
exploitation of women, denying the worth of women's work and
making a skilled task an extension of women's domestic role? An
example of "voluntarism" of the poor, enforced by the rich?
If that is the plight of the one million or more anganwadi
workers employed by the State, still worse is that of the several
million "untrained" teachers working in the "unrecognised"
private nursery schools, a grey area of the private sector which
thrives on exploiting women's work. And is not the refusal to
recognise day-care for the young, also promised in the NPE, a
proof that the legislation is also deeply anti-labour, denying
the needs and rights of working mothers?
But what is one more broken promise, to a Government which has
already broken so many? to raise our voices against the anti-
child, anti-woman, anti-poor and anti-labour policies and laws
which are about to be imposed on us, we need to know more about
the background. What could be the reason behind this otherwise
inexplicable step? Why this sinister move to amend the
Constitution? Is it merely to achieve the objective of ensuring
the Fundamental Right to Education? But it has been clearly
established and repeatedly emphasised that that can be done,
after the Supreme Court's 1993 decision on the Unnikrishnan case,
within the available laws and powers of the Government. Why then
the zeal to amend the Constitution? Could it be that the group of
distinguished persons at the helm of affairs, the scholarly
Murali Manohar Joshi, his estimable political stalwarts, and the
cohorts of brilliant bureaucrats, simply do not understand the
damage that they are causing? This is hardly credible - whatever
sins one can accuse the Government of, lack of brains is not one
of them.
So let us look more closely into the reasons. It soon becomes
obvious that the real reason cannot be opening spoken about or
quoted as a reason - that is why the deafening silence. The first
clue - for four years, there has been no response to any of the
innumerable petitions, letters, memorandums, pleas and queues
from numerous bodies all over the country, led by NAFRE (National
Alliance for the Fundamental Right to Education); no response to
the requests for interviews, meetings, dialogues, debates or
discussions suggested by such bodies; no public appearances or
statements beyond the usual platitudes; no answers to lakhs of
letters resulting from signature campaigns across the country
lying in heaps in the Minister's ante-room, read or unread; no
response to impassioned pleas for transparency, for making public
the contents of the Bill for scrutiny and debate; nothing but
deafening silence. Rarely has the democratic process been so
cynically subverted to serve hidden ends - one cannot help
noticing that in this case the people whose rights are being
trampled on are below six years of age and hence not yet capable
of organised protest. But one also notes that the reasons, though
obvious, cannot be spelt out without some loss of political
image. And this second clue, in answer to the question - whose
interests will be adversely affected - gives the game away.
The answer lies in the financial realm - in the grim and oft-
expressed determination of the Government, at all levels
political and bureaucratic, never to pay child care workers their
due, a fair wage which would flow from recognition of early
childhood education as part of the great ladder of development
and education which is every child's birthright. And besides,
once the lid is taken off the public sector, it would open the
Pandara's box of the private sector. Not only would the millions
of "first teachers" in that sector also have to be ensured a
decent wage, but the private sector would have to be regulated,
standards set and enforced, and the worst abuses prevented, since
the State is obliged to protect the rights of the children, and
not merely those in Government centres. The logic is simple - no
money in the kitty, no money to invest in the child, so get rid
of the baby with the bath water. But this cannot be said when
rhetoric demands that the child be spoken of as a precious
treasure, and future of the nation, for which all else can be
sacrificed. Unfortunately, the Founding Fathers appear to have
taken this rhetoric seriously, so the only thing left to do is
amend the Constitution, silently, without talking about reasons,
and get rid of the rights.
So a country which can afford a Pokhran, nuclear toys in the
desert and war games in the mountains for the big children,
cannot afford to pay for those who would nurture the little
children. And since its not politically correct to say so, the
big boys have to dress up in Fundamental Rights in order to
furtively amend the Constitution and take away the rights of the
little ones. It's time now for concerned citizens to call the
bluff, and tear the veil of silence, to prevent childhood from
ebbing legislated out of existence for evermore in our land.
Those interested are invited to get in touch with NAFRE at
nafre@crymail.com.
(The writer is a specialist in gender issues, theatre and
children.)
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