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The task ahead
By Mushirul Hasan
A GRIEVOUS error of judgment on September 11 led to a colossal
human tragedy - the death of innocent civilians in the U.S.,
followed by the massive air strikes in Afghanistan. The action of
the jehadisor terrorists is unpardonable, but so is the
disproportionate reaction of the U.S. administration. Having
exercised restraint for nearly a month, the Bush administration,
responding to the popular and justifiable revulsion against the
terrorists, relented. In consequence, Osama bin Laden, firmly in
the crosshairs of American rage, has become some sort of a
messianic figure. Dead or alive, he will inspire the
jehadisacross the globe. An alternative approach - one that is
still worth pursuing - is to forge an ideologicalrather than a
military coalition.
This is a no-win situation. The death of Osama or Mullah Omar
will achieve nothing; they will be well on their way to
martyrdom. The relentless bombing of Afghanistan will, on the
other hand, stiffen the resolve of the jehadisto wage future wars
against the U.S. Drawing lessons from the Soviet Union's
experience, the U.S. should get out of Afghanistan as fast as
possible and let its people sort out their mess. They cannot win
this war. The U.S. policy-makers can, however, develop a long
term agenda - to foster, with the active support of Muslim
countries,a counter culture and a counter-ideology that will
isolate the likes of Osama. This, rather than the pounding of the
Afghan mountains, is the way out of the crisis.
The way out is not to punish the entire Afghan nation for the
misdeeds of an individual and his Taliban followers. Cities such
as Kabul, Kandahar and Herat form part of the historical memory
of Muslims: their bombing hurts and leads them to wonder if
Baghdad and Damascus could meet the same fate in the months to
come. At the beginning of the last century, Shibli Numani, a
reformist scholar, was outraged by Western imperialism directed
against the Muslim countries. This is what he wrote:
At the beginning of this millennium, the same apprehensions are
being voiced from Cairo to Jakarta. Muslim fears, though
exaggerated, will not be assuaged in the face of the West
marshalling its enormous military and intellectual forces against
the Muslim nations. If anything, their anxieties are heightened
by the media's systematic attempt to conjure up the image of
Islam as the number one threat to the West. Already, several
writers have drawn the battlelines between Islam and Christendom.
The bosses in Stockholm have rewarded one of them, V. S. Naipaul,
an Islam- baiter.
It is easy critiquing the West and offering guidance to Bush &
Co. as to what they should do. Their conduct, in Iran, Somalia,
Sudan, and West Asia, deserves loud and strong criticism. Yet,
the lamentation must cease and give way to introspection, to a
reappraisal of the crisis that afflicts Muslim societies, and to
a careful reordering of priorities. The survival of Islam is not
at stake, the progress and prosperity of the Muslims are. Self-
delusion and misplaced confidence - and that may well be the
unfortunate outcome of the ``successful'' September 11 attack -
can only make their position more awkward and vulnerable.
Moving away from the anti-Western rhetoric, it is important to
highlight the dismal failure of the Muslim nations to meet the
very minimum standards of good governance. Someone has to explain
why Osama and the Taliban target the West and not the regimes
West Asia. Someone has to analyse the absence or weakness of
democratic movements in Muslim countries. Someone has to tell us,
furthermore, about the passive role of the Muslim intelligentsia
and its acquiescence in political repression. What one needs is a
powerful internal critique, free of religious rhetoric, which
will set the Muslim societies on the right course and free their
people from the stranglehold of oppressive governments. One thing
is sure: no longer can the West be a convenient scapegoat for the
ills that plague their countries.
In theory, the Muslim communities are not answerable to anyone
else; in practice, their conduct is under close scrutiny. They
must get their act together not because others want them to, but
because sooner or later the forces of reaction and bigotry within
their own ranks will overwhelm them. The enemy lies within the
boundaries of a nation-state, acquiring only in specific
situations a transnational dimension. The enemy is not Samuel
Huntington, Salman Rushdie or Naipaul, but those who destroy
statutes at Bamiyan, impose dress codes, and enforce a version of
Islam that goes against the spirit and letter of the Koran.
The enemies are those who flout the Prophet's following
injunction: ``O believers, be you securers of justice, witnesses
for God, even though it be against yourselves, or your parents
and kinsmen, whether it concerns rich or poor, for God is nearer
to you than both. And do not follow caprice, so as to swerve
(from the truth).'' It is this search for truth and justice that
must go on, in the traditions pioneered by the Sufis.
The elusive notion of umma(international community) or the
political ideology of pan-Islamism need not sway a Muslim. The
finer definition of what constitutes Sharianeed not be his sole
concern. He needs to hold, rather than abrogate, his right to
hold an independent opinion about right and wrong, good and evil.
What he needs is to act according to his conscience and remind
himself that he must be ``securers of justice'' not only for his
brethren but the whole international community, of Muslims and
non-Muslims to which we belong. Historical situations in which
certain deductions are made from the Koran are no longer
relevant; the Mutazalites in Baghdad, and Syed Ahmad Khan and
Maulana Azad in our own country, repudiated them long ago. The
Urdu poet Akbar Illahabadi ridiculed the type of casuistry
practised by the ulama:
Doubtless, the Muslims are inheritors of a great and glorious
civilisation. Indeed, no one can deny to them the right to lead
their lives in accordance with the injunctions of the Koran, the
highest authority, and to regard the Prophet of Islam as the
model of a perfect man. At the same time, they cannot regard
themselves as the sole possessors and upholders of true belief
without coming into conflict with other religious traditions.
Central to the idea of Unity of Existence (wahdatal-
wujud),expounded by the great thinker Ibn Arabi, is the
acknowledgement of a Muslim community accepting the right of non-
Muslims to profess their own faith. Taking our cue from the Sufi
saints and the Persian and Urdu poets in India, we have every
reason to reinforce and popularise such ideas.
While it is hard to believe that so eclectic a view will merit
worldwide acceptance, a change in the mindset of the Islamists,
in particular, will make the categories of darul-Islam(land of
Islam) and darul-harb(land of war) irrelevant. That is when
jehadin the modern world, in the sense in which Osama bin Laden
or the terrorists in Kashmir use it, will lose its popular
appeal. In the world of today, a secular idiom, as indeed secular
goals, can be the sole raison d'etrefor waging war against the
internal and external enemy. Expressions such as jehadand
jehadisare used rhetorically, with disastrous effects, to
legitimise non-secular goals and ideologies. The Taliban or the
Pakistan-funded mercenaries in Kashmir best exemplify this.
Admittedly, the judgments of some Western scholars are
prejudiced, but the traditional presentations of Islam are
woefully inadequate. The point to stress is that ``The West'' is
neither a unified entity nor is it inimical to Islam. Conversely,
the ideology of Islam is not antithetical to Western ideas and
institutions. Still, in the aftermath of the September 11
happenings, a great deal needs to be done to build bridges not
between Islam and the West but between the Muslim countries and
the rest of the world. When that happens we will not have to
light candles to mourn the victims of terrorism.
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