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Beyond clones of Osama
By Pran Chopra
IT IS an irony of our times that the greatest military alliance
put together against the kind of terrorism that has swept across
the world from Afghanistan has America at its head and Pakistan
as its forward base. It is ironic because between them these two
countries are the father and mother of exactly this type of
terrorism.
America planted the deadly seed when, after single-mindedly
flooding Afghanistan with weapons of destruction in order to
drive the Soviet army out, it simply walked away. It took not the
slightest precaution to see that this arsenal would not be turned
upon the neighbours of Afghanistan and upon the Afghan people.
The seed then produced what became the largest and most deadly
army ever to serve a Government which was recognised by hardly
any country except the one, Pakistan, which concocted it. This is
the army that was then adopted by General Zia, the most
successful military dictator of Pakistan, who nurtured it into a
weapon of his dream of Nizam-e-Mustafa, a republic of Islamic
fundamentalism stretching from the Indian border deep into the
Volga country of Russia via Chechnya and Tartarstan. It is a
further twist of irony that it is the progeny of this very dream
which invented the worst destruction ever rained upon an America
which - another twist - had claimed Pakistan to be its most
allied ally.
To say this is not to underplay the vast tragedy enacted on
September 11, or cast doubts on the assurance given by a senior
U.S. official, Mr. Richard Armitage, in his recent interview
toThe Hindu that America had learnt from past mistakes. But one
says it to remind America that no single objective should be
pursued so single-mindedly as to ignore its diverse consequences.
Therefore, one should not concentrate so much on reducing
Afghanistan to an even more tragic rubble of history than it has
been reduced already by its own rulers, the Taliban, ably
assisted by Pakistan.
America should consult quickly with Russia and China to see what
other options might be available, because they are the two most
important members of the anti-Osama alliance built by the U.S.
President, Mr. George W. Bush. They have expressed serious doubts
about the present American course. Obviously Mr. Bush was not
able to convince them fully at the APEC conclave in Shanghai, and
he cannot club them with Muslim majority members of the alliance
whom he might suspect of being sympathetic to the Taliban.`
America has rightly decided to take up the job in hand in phases.
It wishes to concentrate first on those who perpetrated the
tragedy. As it does so, America merits the support of all
countries, including India, without unnecessary quibbles over
differences between giving only the right of transit to American
planes and soldiers and giving them operational assistance also.
But as America deals with the first phase it must not forfeit the
future, as Ronald Reagan did. Reagan fought the Soviet army to
the last Afghan. But in the process he only armed those who have
now reduced the heart of New York to a wasteland. Whether the
Soviet Union fell more because its army was defeated in
Afghanistan or because of Russian undercurrents in the domestic
politics of the Soviet Union need not be debated here. But there
is no doubt that the weapons of hatred which America allowed to
be forged in Afghanistan have done immense harm to America, to
Pakistan, to India, and of course to Afghanistan itself.
The perpetrators of the tragedy in New York are the products of a
process. All the pain of dealing with the products will go in
vain if the process continues. A new generation of fanatics will
take over from where the old generation left off, and to the new
generation America will be all the more Satanic because it
eliminated the old. The process will produce the new generation
in the same way it produced the old, beginning with what Pakistan
did about Kashmir. Defeated in war, Pakistan chose fanatical
Islamists as new soldiers against Kashmir, and it turned to a
willing Afghanistan as the recruiting ground. It gave all help,
covert, overt, military, financial, to organise and arm those who
were proud to describe themselves as the soldiers of Islam though
in the eyes of many Muslims they are betrayers of the best
traditions of the faith. A cascade of Talibanisation then began
which flooded Afghanistan first, then large parts of Pakistan,
and then other parts of the Islamic world.
Three kinds of signs that the process may continue have surfaced
already. In the first place, influential people in the anti-
terrorism alliance, such as Britain's Prime Minister, Mr. Tony
Blair, have been saying for weeks, and more brazenly than Mr.
Bush, that the Taliban could be allowed to remain in power in
Afghanistan if it handed over Osama and banned his organisation,
Al-Qaeda. People like Mr. Blair overlook the near-certainty that
if the Taliban remains in power it will not lose much time in
cloning new Osamas to replace the old. In the second place,
America might go along with Mr. Blair if Pakistan demands this as
the price for allowing use of its territory.
In the third place, in the name of resisting interference in the
internal affairs of Afghanistan, the Pakistan Foreign Minister
has publicly announced his opposition to any assistance by anyone
to the Northern Alliance, which is the only credible internal
opposition to the Taliban regime. Pakistan - and Mr. Bush -
cannot have forgotten of course that, quite contrary to
Pakistan's present opposition to ``interference'', it was only
with massive assistance by and through Pakistan that the Taliban
drove out the Rabbani regime from Kabul, which was the widely-
recognised Government of Afghanistan at that time and which was,
and remains, a member of the United Nations.
The alternative to these dire scenarios is that America should
accept what many countries are urging, that the fight against
terrorism should be conducted under the authority and flag of the
United Nations. It will then get more willing support from more
countries. Second, America should give serious thought to the
position now taken by the two most important members of the anti-
terrorism alliance built by Mr. Bush, China and Russia.
In addition to joining others in demanding a leading role for the
U.N., Russia's leader, Mr. Vladimir Putin, and China's President,
Mr. Jiang Zemin, jointly stated, immediately after their talks
with Mr. Bush in Shanghai, that there must be no place for the
Taliban in any new Government for Afghanistan.
Russia, Tajikistan, and the presently-recognised Government of
Afghanistan have now jointly decided to work in coordination with
Iran, another major player in this region, in shaping any future
regime for Afghanistan. No future dispensation in Afghanistan can
be stable without the support of these countries even though
Uzbekistan has not, yet, added its voice to theirs. With their
support it will be easier for America and others to replace the
Taliban regime more quickly and to spare Afghanistan the agony of
a prolonged war.
There can also then be a more far-reaching and more constructive
consequence - a closer and wider convergence between American and
Russian concerns, actions and aims, bringing the curtain down on
the Cold War. At present, this convergence is vulnerable to the
many differences between Russia and America which kept cropping
up at the APEC summit and have continued to do so since,
particularly over the ABM treaty and the future of oil in this
very inflammable region. The added strain of differences over
Afghanistan is best avoided or ended at the soonest.
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