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Boosting Indo-German ties

GERMANY'S READINESS TO assume a bigger global role was in full evidence during the Chancellor, Mr. Gerhard Schroeder's two-day visit to India when he proved an impeccable spokesman of the U.S.-led alliance against terror. He had the right mix for his hosts. His remark that terrorism ``cannot, must not and will not win'' and that it should be fought everywhere would have gone down well with New Delhi which feels that its own battle against the menace has remained largely unacknowledged. Balancing this was an appeal to India to resume the bilateral dialogue with Pakistan and continue its policy of restraint over Kashmir. These carried a familiar ring about them: two VVIPs, the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, and the American Secretary of State, Gen. Colin Powell, had made similar appeals during visits to Delhi earlier. Germany, which joined the battle and the bandwagon somewhat late, jolted by the discovery that some of the perpetrators of the September 11 terror attacks had trained in Hamburg, has launched an active campaign of its own in support of the U.S.-led war. If, in the final analysis, Mr. Schroeder's visit appeared to be part of that alliance campaign, his stance during the visit to India as well as the stopover in Islamabad reflected the proactive role that Berlin has decided to take in the international arena, breaking from its self-denial of the past half a century. The nation remains a responsible advocate of continued European integration and a strong champion of the Atlantic alliance.

The aftermath of the terror strike shifted the focus of Mr. Schroeder's planned visit to Delhi somewhat away from bilateral relations. Also, for the first time perhaps in the relationship, business took a back seat to global politics. The traditional ties, long lasting and firmly founded but lacking the glamour of India's bilateral relations with some of the other Western powers, have retained solidity and steadiness, not shaken by peripheral happenings in the region. While following the European Union policy of slapping sanctions against India for the nuclear tests of the 1998 summer, Germany refrained from resorting to the type of strident hostility that marked the reaction of some of the other countries in the Western camp. Quiet diplomacy, characteristic of the German nation itself, has ensured that there are no major hiccups nor great expectations roused on either side that can prove difficult to fulfil. The ties have in recent years been reinforced by the demands of the new economy.

For India, the visit of the Chancellor, the first after the historic reunification more than a decade ago, marks a watershed. Any warmth in the dormant political ties, besides ushering in greater cooperation in fields like the fight against militancy and terrorism, can provide a needed incentive for reviving the economic relationship. German investment and interest in India compares shamefully unfavourably with the German presence in China, which began with the opening up under Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s. German industry has two complaints: one about the all-too-known bureaucratic red tape and the other about a certain lack of transparency over the reforms programme. German chamber spokesmen have talked of the end of the ``China euphoria'' in their country. India can benefit by this if the complaints are addressed. By exploiting the emerging warmth in relations, the two countries can go beyond the current intensive focus on information technology and telecommunications. New areas of promise include biotechnology. The interaction during Mr. Schroeder's visit can prove beneficial during the E.U.-India summit, scheduled to be held in Delhi by the end of the year.

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