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Iftars - then and now
By K.K. Katyal
NEW DELHI, DEC. 6. One day in early seventies, Mr. I.K. Gujral, then a member of Indira Gandhi's Cabinet, invited Mr. Shafi Quereshi, Minister of State for Railways, to a meal. It was the month of Ramzan. Mr. Quereshi sought to be excused, saying he was fasting and would not be able to make it. Mr. Gujral, thereupon, suggested that the fast could be broken at his house. Mr. Quereshi agreeing, Mr. Gujral invited a few friends to an early dinner, that coincided with the breaking of the fast (Iftar) by the Muslims among the invitees. The next day, he happened to mention it to Indira Gandhi. The idea appealed to her and, at the first occasion soon after, she organised a major Iftar, with a large number of invitees, in particular Muslims. That was the first function of the type, with which we are familiar now. But it was in 1978, that Iftar was ``institutionalised'' by H.N. Bahuguna, then a minister in the Morarji Desai Cabinet.
Intended to be an occasion for prayers and pious thoughts, meant to be a private matter in the family, Iftar has now become a demonstrative, expansive affair, organised by the elite in public life, with an eye on political ends. Had it been confined to the President and the Vice-President, the charge of politicisation would not have applied. It is a different story now, with politicians, both in the government and the opposition competing with one another in holding Iftar functions. To the non-Muslims among the political high-ups, it comes handy in their effort to endear themselves to the minority community, to establish their secular credentials. The BJP leaders, for instance, have used it to dispel unsavoury perceptions of their attitude towards the Muslims.
Of late, Iftar has been organised to convey political messages. Take, for instance, yesterday's function at the New Delhi residence of the Samajwadi Party supremo, Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav. The presence of a sizeable number of party workers from U.P was significant and in the context of the coming Assembly elections in the State. A bigger message was sought to be conveyed through the invitation to the Congress president, Ms. Sonia Gandhi, who, equally significantly responded positively and attended the function along with party seniors like Dr. Manmohan Singh, Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sahba. And next week, when Ms. Gandhi takes her turn for the Iftar function, Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav is certain to be an invitee.
Through the Iftar (and other functions), the opposition camp is translating into action the decision to avoid personal attacks taken recently at the first meeting at the house of the CPI(M) leader, Mr. Somnath Chatterjee, when they decided on floor coordination so as to make the maximum use of the opportunities, provided by the rules of parliamentary procedures, to embarrass the government and not give the government the unearned advantage of division in their ranks. It was odd, they felt, that they should malign one another when they should be concentrating in exposing the ruling combine's acts of omission and commission. Ms. Gandhi and Mr. Yadav, till recently, represented two adversarial extremes. Over two years ago, Ms. Gandhi perhaps, would have taken over as the Prime Minister had Mr. Yadav not opposed her bid for power. The Congress and the S.P. since then had hurled sharp epithets at each other. The present thaw represented, apart from the other occasions, by the Iftar time bonhomie, is significant. It does not mean that the goodwill, now engendered, would spill over into the political arena outside Parliament. It may not lead to any election adjustments in the States (U.P), but it may not lead to the situation of the type that was created in 1979 when the BJP gained because of the conduct of its opponents.
Personal gestures, at times, mattered a lot in politics. Remember what happened in December 1978, when Indira Gandhi was in jail, during the tenure of the Janata Party Government, and Charan Singh, number two, organised a Kisan rally at the Boat Club grounds. A senior Congress leader, Mr. Bhishma Narain Singh (who later became the Governor of Tamil Nadu), appeared at the rally to present a bouquet on her behalf to Charan Singh. Apart from the electrifying effect it produced on the spot, it helped to sharpen the differences between Charan Singh and Morarji Desai, leading first to the fall of the Janata Party Government and then to the return of Indira Gandhi to power. Or recently, in 1999, when Ms. Jayalalithaa, leader of the AIADMK, a part of the government after the previous year's elections met, Ms. Sonia Gandhi at a tea party, organised by the Janata Party leader, Dr. Subramanian Swamy. It did turn out to be political earthquake, as was described then.
The present gestures may not be of the same class - there being many ifs and buts - but the pointers thrown up now, will need to be watched carefully.
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