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By Muchkund Dubey
IN HIS address to the nation on January 12 Pervez Musharraf basically concentrated on domestic issues which, of course, have far-reaching implications for India. So far as direct references to relations with India, particularly Kashmir, are concerned, he did not depart much from Pakistan's traditional lines. He repeated the allegation of human rights violation in Kashmir and called upon India to allow international human rights organisations, international media and U.N. Peacekeepers to monitor the activities of the security forces. He demanded that the problem be solved according to the U.N. Security Council resolutions, even when subsequent events have rendered them irrelevant and even after the U.N. Secretary General's statement that they provide no basis for autonomous action by the world body. He sought third party, particularly U.S., intervention in settling the issue and reiterated that Pakistan would continue to extend moral, political and diplomatic support to the Kashmiris. Subsequently, in a speech before a religious gathering, Gen. Musharraf reiterated his support for the Kashmiris as "fellow Muslims" facing repression. It would have been unrealistic to expect Gen. Musharraf to depart from Pakistan's standard position on Kashmir. There is a consensus on it in Pakistan embracing all sections of society. Kashmir is inextricably linked with the very identity of Pakistan and is regarded as an incompleted agenda of Partition. Besides, India's extreme vulnerability in the Valley, due primarily to the lack of foresight of successive governments at the Centre to evolve a realistic Kashmir policy, has kindled hope in Pakistan of an early completion of this agenda. Some of the measures Gen. Musharraf announced in his address go a long way towards meeting India's demands on Kashmir. Apart from clamping down on the extremist outfits active in Kashmir, he announced: "No organisation will be allowed to indulge in terrorism in the name of Kashmir." In a more general vein, he declared: "Pakistan will not allow its territory to be used for any terrorist activity anywhere in the world." He added: "I would request that we should stop interfering in the affairs of others." We had demanded a policy statement by Pakistan to disavow spawning and unleashing of terror in Kashmir. In his January 12 address, Gen. Musharraf did precisely that. Later, senior Pakistani officials hastened to clarify that the squeeze on terrorist outfits was not in response to India's demand but in pursuance of Pakistan's own laws and its obligations under Security Council Resolution 1373. This should not cause any surprise. For, no Government in Pakistan will be safe if it appears to be doing anything under India's pressure. For India, it should suffice if the measures Gen. Musharraf announced are implemented. The U.S. has undoubtedly been instrumental in coaxing this statement out of Gen. Musharraf, and particularly in the inclusion in it of elements of concern to India. George W. Bush asked Gen. Musharraf in a telephonic conversation on December 29 "to take additional strong and decisive measures to eliminate the extremists who seek to harm India, undermine Pakistan, provoke a war between India and Pakistan and destabilise the international coalition against terrorism.'' The very next day, the G-8 demanded that Islamabad "arrest, try and severely punish leaders of these groups.'' On January 7, Mr. Bush said, "it is very important for President Musharraf to make a clear statement to the world that he intends to crack down on terror. And I believe that if he does that and continues to do what he is doing, it will provide relief... in a situation that is still serious.'' The deployment of Indian forces in full war preparedness has no doubt been a factor. The main purpose it has served is to convey to the U.S. the urgency for Pakistan to take effective action against terrorist outfits operating against India. It is doubtful whether India would have considered this kind of deployment as an autonomous option unrelated to the U.S.- induced changes in Pakistan. Besides, we must remember that the continued cooperation of the U.S. is critical to making further progress in this area. If Gen. Musharraf's pronouncements are translated into action, this should result within a short time in a substantial reduction of terrorist infiltration across the Line of Control. This is the "litmus test'' as L. K. Advani has characterised it. However, the problem of homegrown terrorism in Kashmir will persist, as it has in some of the North-Eastern States. We will still be confronted with the problem of the near total alienation of the Kashmiri people, which is at the root of the violence and suffering. And we cannot even begin to tackle the problem of alienation until the Government of India reverses its policy of point blank refusal to consider granting autonomy to the Kashmiri people. Apart from a cessation of cross-border terrorism, we have demanded the return of 20 criminals who have committed grave acts of terrorism in India and who are now harboured by Pakistan. As a member of the global alliance against terrorism, it is Pakistan's moral responsibility to hand over these ring leaders. Pakistan also has a legal responsibility, under the Security Council resolution 1373, adopted under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, to repatriate these terrorists. If it wishes it could easily dispense with extradition procedure, as it did while handing over to the U.S. Pakistani terrorists associated with the Al-Qaeda. However, Pakistan is not expected to make a similar gesture towards India. The list includes those who committed crimes several years ago. Even if we have a strong legal and moral case, we can perhaps afford to wait for a more propitious moment to solve with Pakistan some of these problems of the past. Therefore, the bottom line for India to start discussions on the de-escalation of tension on the border should be the cessation of cross-border terrorism, and not necessarily Pakistan's return of the fugitives. Besides, the return of these criminals alone is not going to bring about any significant amelioration in the deplorable law and order situation in the country. Unfortunately, we have come to a pass where every major breach of law and order in the country is attributed to the ISI. This is designed mainly to divert attention from the Government's miserable record on the law and order front. The harbouring and protection of criminals by politicians, and the wanton violation of the laws of the land and systematic rigging of democratic institutions by them to serve their narrow personal, sectarian and political interests, are the main reasons for the breakdown of law and order. This provides a fertile ground for the operation of home-grown as well as externally supported terrorists groups. Instead of blaming the ISI for everything, we should first put our own house in order. This calls for changing the prevailing political culture and curbing fascist tendencies in India also.
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