The Hindu : Upbeat mood in Sino-Indian ties

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Monday, Apr 01, 2002

Opinion

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Upbeat mood in Sino-Indian ties

THE DIPLOMATIC HYPE over the inauguration of a direct air service between New Delhi and Beijing at this time seems to have generated a sense of unusual optimism in both capitals. In fact, the shared mood is one of visualising the possibility of a take-off in bilateral friendship at some point in the future. Welcoming the External Affairs Minister, Jaswant Singh, who reached Beijing by the inaugural flight, China's Vice-Premier, Qian Qichen, has given eloquent expression to this new upbeat spirit. Mr. Qian is of the view that "it is impossible for China and India to be in conflict in any situation" inspite of the undeniable differences between the two countries. A Chinese version of their talks is quite revealing. Mr. Qian, cognisant of the recent Indian assertions against seeing China as a security threat to New Delhi's interests, has assured Mr. Singh that Beijing itself has never seen India as a menace. In a sense, the notion of a threat dominated public diplomacy on the bilateral front shortly after India tested nuclear weapons in 1998. Beijing made no secret of its displeasure over the reported comments then by the Defence Minister, George Fernandes, about the looming China factor in India's strategic calculus. Given that the Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, too was reported to have referred to China in a communication to the U.S. on India's decision in 1998 to opt for nuclear-armament testing, Beijing appeared to reassess its relationship with New Delhi. With China now deciding to invite Mr. Fernandes for discussions and also drawing up plans for a goodwill visit to Beijing by Mr. Vajpayee at some point this year, the signals of friendship cannot be more positive.

Several factors account for this dramatic transformation in stylised public diplomacy since 1998. If an upward trajectory of mutual benefit is now projected as being within the grasp of the two countries, the story has indeed much to do with the diplomatic momentum generated since Mr. Singh's visit to Beijing in 1999. There can be no comparison with the way Rajiv Gandhi had tried to rekindle the spirit of Sino-Indian ties a decade earlier. Now, Pakistan, a long-time ally of China on its strategic frontlines, might remain a key factor in the changing dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship, although Islamabad's weightage in this connection may vary over time. Of greater relevance, therefore, to the China-India equation is the need felt by both sides for a certain comfort level in their interactions as they seek independent roles to reshape the present world order of unprecedented chaos.

Beijing's checklist of "broad common interests" with reference to India has been spelt out by China's Foreign Minister, Tang Jiaxuan, during his latest conversation with Mr. Singh. The view from Beijing is that India and China could work together to fashion a multi-polar international political order and protect the interests of the developing countries. The Chinese Prime Minister, Zhu Rongji, whose visit to India two months ago had raised visions of a realistic engagement between the two countries, has now harped on the economic dimension of bilateral ties. As a new entrant to the World Trade Organisation, China wants to underpin its ties with India on the basis of shared status as the two largest developing economies. It is in this overall context that Mr. Singh's euphoric references to the new strategic understanding with China has to be pragmatically evaluated. It is certainly a welcome sign of responsible diplomacy that India and China have at this point agreed to quicken the delineation and clarification of the Line of Actual Control pending a final settlement of the border dispute. An equally wholesome decision is to begin discussions on counter-terrorism in the international and regional settings. However, this does not translate into a symphony of strategic sentiments.

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