Opinion - Editorials

The task before Mayawati

IT IS THEIR animosity towards Mulayam Singh Yadav's Samajwadi Party rather than a common agenda for governance that has brought the BSP and the BJP together in Uttar Pradesh. And as on earlier occasions — in 1995 and 1997 — Mayawati, who will be sworn in Chief Minister for the third time, will depend on the BJP for survival. It is true that there was hardly any other option left for an elected Government to be put in place in Uttar Pradesh. A post-poll arrangement, even if it conflicted with the postures by the two parties throughout the election campaign, was indeed inevitable in this limited context. This ground reality notwithstanding, it was necessary for the leaders of the two parties (and also the smaller allies of the BJP such as Ajit Singh of the Rashtriya Lok Dal) to ensure transparency to the extent possible insofar as the terms of the tie-up are concerned. This certainly is not the case with the understanding that has been reached and it is for this reason that the arrangement seems wholly opportunistic.

The manner in which the talks were held between the BSP leaders and the BJP high command and the fact that those in the BJP's Uttar Pradesh unit were merely brought to Delhi to endorse the arrangement suggest that there is a lot more behind the deal than mere intentions to ensure a popular Government in Uttar Pradesh. One aspect that stands out in this context is the timing. Coming as it did at a time when the ruling NDA combine at the Centre is facing a censure motion in Parliament and the explicit announcement, soon after Ms. Mayawati obtained the invitation to be sworn in Chief Minister, that the BSP will vote against the censure motion explains the sense of urgency shown by the Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, and his trusted aides in the party. That the BJP high command went to the extent of "instructing" its Uttar Pradesh unit to dump their determination to "respect the mandate" and sit in the Opposition is yet another instance of the BJP's willingness to give up its claims to being a "party with a difference". Interestingly, the BJP high command had let its Uttar Pradesh unit, in April 1998, barter away ministerial berths in return for support in the Assembly. The BJP had split up the BSP then and the developments triggered a no-holds-barred spat between the two parties. It is for this reason too that it becomes imperative for the two parties to disclose the terms of agreement.

Be that as it may, Ms. Mayawati and her colleagues in the Cabinet that will be sworn in on May 3 will serve their own interest as well as that of the people of the State if only they take the task of governance up in real earnest. The figures in the National Human Development Report, published recently by the Planning Commission, show the condition of life in Uttar Pradesh in comparison with other States. The State's position in terms of Human Poverty Index is 29th out of the 32 States. Similarly, the per capita consumption expenditure has registered a fall in the State between 1993-94 and 1999-2000; that this is due to a drastic reduction in the consumption expenditure on food between the two years clearly suggests a deterioration in the standard of living. It is not just incidental that the downslide took place during a period (1993-2000) when the BSP and the BJP were in power in Uttar Pradesh for the most part. Development will have to be accorded top priority by those constituting the new Government in Uttar Pradesh if the post-poll arrangement and the rationale — that the State needs a popular Government above all — is to be justified. Ms. Mayawati has her task cut out.

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