Opinion - Editorials

New focus in U.S.-Russia ties

THE JOINT DECLARATION on New U.S.-Russia Relationship, signed by the leaders of the two nuclear superpowers in Moscow on May 24, has been drafted in the style of an accord between two equals of a `duopoly'. However, the fine print does not conceal the new strategic reality that the U.S. has, for the most part, co-opted post-Soviet Russia as a cooperative partner if not exactly as a new and junior ally. Overall, a new spirit of shared values permeates the entire document which covers the emerging strategic equation between the U.S. and Russia in almost all aspects inclusive of the economic dimension and the importance of people-to-people contacts. With Russia acknowledging the fundamentals of democracy and the market economy as the motive forces of the international system at work at this time, there is no scope for misty-eyed tears by the Russian nationalists themselves over the current regression of the socialist ideas and ideals in the global discourse on inter-state relations. In fact, the Russian President, Vladimir Putin, was not seen until recently as a West-leaning leader in the post-Soviet Kremlin hierarchy. In this sense, Mr. Putin was perceived to be very different from Boris Yeltsin, a West-oriented Russian leader who really ushered in the present era of post-Soviet politics and diplomacy in Moscow. Of some evocative resonance, especially against this background, is a significant assertion by Mr. Putin and the U.S. President, George W. Bush, in their latest Joint Declaration. They "reject the failed model of `Great Power' rivalry'' that had characterised the Cold War which ended over a decade ago. While the rejection has been spelt out with reference to Central Asia and the South Caucasus, the new move by Mr. Bush and his Russian partner to set up a high-power "Consultative Group for Strategic Security" covers the entire spectrum of international issues with a global focus.

The new U.S.-Russian Treaty on Strategic Offensive Reductions, also signed in Moscow during Mr. Bush's visit there on May 24, commits the two sides to lower their deployed nuclear weapons by a factor of about two-thirds of their existing configurations by the year 2012. As a companion to this Treaty, the Joint Declaration acquires importance as a broad definition of the U.S.-Russia relationship for the present. While the Treaty itself is reflective of no more than a cosmetic gesture of de-escalation towards the global community, given the fact that the de-deployed nukes could yet be stored, the Joint Declaration is noteworthy for a commitment by the U.S. and Russia to a strategy of "proactive non-proliferation'' across the world. In essence, though, the Joint Declaration introduces Moscow to the strategic concerns that it might have to address in its new status as a partner of the U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. The NATO-Russia Council will formally be launched in Rome on May 28.

Four key facets of the new U.S.-Russia partnership have been identified as follows: counter-terrorism in all aspects, non-proliferation especially in the context of preventing terrorists from acquiring nuclear weapons as also their delivery systems, stabilisation of the global political system and an active agenda of resolving regional conflicts as the means to enhance international stability. Now, while such a sweeping glasshouse-view of the world scene may raise visions of a congruence between the strategic agendas of the U.S. and Russia, the two have not really tried to hide some existing differences on how to deal with Iraq or Iran, for example. As for some specifics of inter-state tensions, the U.S. and Russia evince a great deal of concern over the current India-Pakistan standoff, but it seems politically correct that this issue is not covered under the rubric of regional conflicts in the Bush-Putin Joint Declaration.

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