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Opinion - News Analysis

Consensus still rules in foreign policy

By K.K. Katyal

The broad consensus on foreign policy has, by and large, survived the changes of Governments and the play of party politics at the Centre. That was true, barring one or two exceptions, when the Congress — the architect of consensus under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru — first lost power in 1977 as also during the subsequent non-Congress tenures. It is true today when the Congress is in the Opposition again. The resolution on foreign policy adopted by the AICC last week blamed the NDA Government for departing from "that consensus in several areas''. But the text of the resolution did not indicate any major departure, except in one case — the Arab-Israeli conflict. On other issues, the Congress was either supportive of the Government or differed with its style (and not the substance) or wanted it to do more of the same.

As regards the current crisis involving Pakistan and cross-border terrorism, the Congress fully backed the Government in pursuance of a well-considered policy. That line, taken by the party president, Sonia Gandhi, in her talks with the Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, was strongly endorsed in the AICC document. The Congress, it said "has extended broad support to the Government in its resolve to take on cross-border terrorism with determination and vigour. Events of the past few months have indicated that we are dealing with a neighbouring Government that has failed to deliver on its promises''.

The military build-up on the border and the high alert, it merely noted, "appears not to have paid any dividends either in terms of the attitude of Pakistan or, indeed, control of the incidence of terrorist infiltration across the border and the Line of Control''. While reiterating its support in this context too, the Congress "carefully'' cautioned the Government about the seriousness of the situation, saying: "This is time for thoughtful and prudent action, not populist pronouncements.'' At another stage, it was emphatic that "we should not in haste foreclose future prospects of dialogue in the spirit of the Shimla Agreement''.

As against that, the Congress was extremely sore over the policy on the Palestine issue. "Improvement in our relations with Israel cannot be at the cost of our traditional support for the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine...India's growing relationship with Israel consciously nurtured by the NDA has unfortunately betrayed its conceptual and ideological inadequacy in the wake of the latest intifida''. The Congress regretted "the dismissal of our time-tested position as `vote bank politics''. This, obviously, was a reference to the External Affairs Minister, Jaswant Singh's statement during his visit to Israel when he, in so many words, blamed the Congress Governments of the past for shaping their policies with an eye on Muslim votes in the country.

Incidentally, it was on the Israel-Arab issue, that the first non-Congress Government — headed by Morarji Desai, (with Mr. Vajpayee as the External Affairs Minister) — made a major departure from the earlier line during the Congress rule (as shown by the secret visit here then of the Israeli strongman, Mosha Dayan).

The Congress document made a strong case for ensuring that the "significance of the Non-Aligned Movement must not be undermined despite the dramatic changes in the world''. It wanted India to take up the leadership role in preserving and sustaining the movement,'' to take a lead in rejuvenating NAM''. There was, however, no reference to the Government policy on the subject.

On other issue, the party either merely noted the present trends or called for intensified efforts. Here are a few instances. It welcomed the positive trends and transformation in Indo-U.S. relations — "the world's two great democracies have a responsibility together'', it said, while rejecting the concept of a uni-polar world. It approvingly noted the development of India-Russia relations — and the Joint Declaration on Partnership. As for the European Union, the resolution recommended "closer association''. As regards Nepal, the Congress took "cognisance of steps being taken to re-establish closes links and communications between the two countries and called for "greater priority''. It, however, saw some obvious flaws in the Government's policy, particularly referring to "extreme failure in picking up early warning signals of erosion of goodwill''.

It noted with satisfaction the convening of the SAARC summit after three-and-a-half years — as also the consequent reversal of the state of drift in regional cooperation — and called for continued support to South Asia Free Trade Area. In regard to China, the Government was urged to proceed with greater expedition in enhancing relationship. As regards Afghanistan the recent developments, notably the defeat of Taliban, were noted with satisfaction.

Dealing with the nuclear issue, it called for updating of the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan for Nuclear Weapons Free and Non-Violent World Order, disapproved of loose talk of nuclear war and wanted India to "show us the alternative to the path of unimaginable destruction''.

Where are the departures from the consensus, as mentioned in preamble of the AICC document? Some time back, when the Congress was sore over the Government's handling of the ties with China or South Africa, some in the party wanted it to conduct parallel diplomacy. There was no hint of that in the resolution.

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