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By Harish Khare
Even though after a marathon session with the Kashmir Committee, headed by the former Union Law Minister, Ram Jethmalani, Mr. Shah had "in principle agreed to participate in the elections,'' he later made it clear that there was no question of his party's participation in the next month's exercise. The Kashmir Committee apparently endorsed Mr. Shah's stand that "a number of comprehensive confidence-building measures needed to be taken to ensure participation in such free, fair and meaningful elections.'' A joint statement issued by the two sides lists these confidence building-measures: The release of those who have been illegally/unfairly jailed; a honourable and dignified return of migrants; greater accountability of the Special Operation Group and other anti-insurgency groups; end to custodial killings; a speedy trial of those jailed for petty offences; constitution of a commission to probe custodial killings and disappearance of persons; and, facilitation of an intra-Kashmir dialogue. Except for the "return of the migrants'' (read the Kashmiri Pandits), these measures have figured in almost everybody's list of potential "confidence-building measures.'' Each of these has an appeal of its own, which the administrators find difficult to operationalise and accept. The only concession that the Kashmir Committee appears to have secured from the JKDFP is a reiteration that "it was never against such a participation (in the election) since it has always been committed to democratic process. It wholeheartedly agrees with the Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, that elections alone can identify the true representatives of the people of the State for a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue.'' The Shabir Shah side also conceded that "violence as a principle or a strategy has no role in the resolution of any problem anywhere in the world including the Kashmir problem.'' Whatever comfort this affirmation of an intent of peaceful means may provide, there is a sense of disappointment in the Kashmir Committee that its exertions have not moved Mr. Shah. As it is, the committee was bitter that the Centre was unwilling to heed its advice to postpone the Assembly elections. Mr. Jethmalani failed to arrange a meeting between Mr. Vajpayee and Mr. Shah. The prime ministerial refusal was built into the uncertainty that dogged the Committee; its status or the nature of patronage it enjoyed from the Vajpayee Government has never been clarified, even though Mr. Shah today claimed that the committee had been "authorised by none other than the Deputy Prime Minister himself.'' Realising that the Jethmalani Committee had been rendered irrelevant as far as the next month's elections were concerned, Mr. Shah decided to widen his consultation process. Along with the Kashmir Committee convener, Ashok Bhan, he called on the Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, and the senior Congress leader, Manmohan Singh. Mr. Shah is believed to have conveyed to Ms. Gandhi that his party is committed to a "secular India, and not to the Sangh Parivar India.'' He is likely to meet other secular leaders. "Yes, I will be meeting Mulayam Singh Yadav and other leaders with secular credentials,'' he told reporters after meeting Ms. Gandhi. Later in the evening, Mr. Shah had an hour-long interaction with the Samajwadi Party leader, Mr. Yadav. The JKDFP leader also sought to craft a secular/communal context to his quest when he noted that he would not be meeting the BJP leaders. "This party has shown its real face. I thought there was a ray of hope in the party by the presence of Mr. Vajpayee but that too seems to be dwindling now,'' he said. The Kashmir Committee itself is likely to have an audience with the Congress president. The meeting has been agreed upon after considerable behind-the-scene discussions within the AICC establishment.
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