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Jammu & Kashmir
By Harish Khare
As it is, for some years now, Mr. Shah has had a problem with the APHC, which has opted to concentrate its activities and appeal within the Kashmir valley, whereas he has been insisting that the "freedom struggle'' had a constituency in all the three regions of the State. Speaking to The Hindu here today, Mr. Shah expressed a sense of satisfaction that on many issues the APHC was making the same arguments that he had been making in the last so many years, after a parting of the ways. Recalling that he had written to the APHC on August 13 this year to make a joint case before the Kashmir Committee (headed by the former Law Minister, Ram Jethmalani), Mr. Shah argued that the "cause'' had suffered because of a diversity of voices. Even within the Hurriyat, according to him, many constituents continue to engage in their respective political activities, which were often at variance with the APHC agenda. Mr. Shah believed that in fact there should be a moratorium on "peace-making''. According to him, there was a surfeit of well-meaning "peace-makers''; too many "tracks'', too many "dialogues'', in too many places. Whereas the need was for the restoration of credibility and confidences within the State, within the valley, between Srinagar and Jammu, and between Srinagar and Ladakh, between "us'' and the Kashmir Pandits. As far as he was concerned there was a need to convince various regions and groups within Jammu and Kashmir that the "struggle'' was not "a jehadi'' enterprise, rather it was a political struggle that began in 1931 (much before India and Pakistan got divided). The separatist leader also insists that "freedom struggle'' and "terrorism'' were two different things. "We are against terrorism; the Kashmiris are not fond of the gun, and we would like the dispute to be solved politically,'' he noted. He voiced the view that once genuine dialogue began with the "people of Kashmir'', the violence would automatically fade away. Of course, Mr. Shah was categorical that "ad hoc'' approach of the "Government of India'' would not do; "it had not worked from the days of Bakashi Gulam Mohammed, it would not work with Mufti Saheb.'' Acknowledging that circumstances had changed qualitatively since "September 11'', Mr. Shah argued that the obligation was not to become a prisoner of the past (conveniently invented and defined by different players to the Kashmir "dispute''). "Every option can be discussed,'' he noted significantly. But Mr. Shah believes that there should be an India-Pakistan dialogue and that as the bigger country India had to show the generosity of spirit. He points out that the National Conference too was now in favour of a dialogue with Pakistan, and that the new Chief Minister (and his daughter) had been promising that should they be voted to power, they would impress upon New Delhi to talk to Islamabad. "Why should India and Pakistan communicate through third parties or through media; and, not talking, not communicating can only complicate the difficulties,'' asserted Mr. Shah.
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