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A blot on Africa

YOUNG CRICKET ENTHUSIASTS, already puzzled by the controversy over the British team's refusal to participate in a World Cup match in the capital of the southern African nation of Zimbabwe, former Rhodesia, may find their confusion worse confounded by the action of two players of the Zimbabwe team in wearing black armbands during a competition match a few days ago. If the primary problem was one manifestation of a colonial legacy — Britain opted to forfeit the match, not minding the heavy price it had to pay in cricketing terms — the Zimbabwe cricketers' extraordinarily brave protest action was a commentary on the self-serving, authoritarian ways of the country's discredited ruler, Robert Mugabe. President since the country's independence in 1980, Mr. Mugabe secured a new term a year ago in elections widely regarded as rigged and held in an atmosphere of violence and terror unleashed by his supporters against political opponents who had regrouped under one umbrella. The Commonwealth suspended the country's membership following the repressive measures he used to muzzle opposition, including the press. Mr. Mugabe has remained unruffled, thanks in the main to the powerful support he has been receiving for his programmes from the continent's two front ranking leaders, Thabo Mbeki of neighbouring South Africa and Olusegun Obasanjo of distant Nigeria. The support seems undiminished despite the international, mostly Western, outcry over the ways of the Zimbabwe President.

Violence and intimidation of political opponents are said to remain unabated in the country, posing a threat to security as cited by Britain for not playing in Harare, the capital. But the two friends of Mr. Mugabe have launched a campaign to restore full Commonwealth membership to Zimbabwe, claiming that the Government has made meaningful progress towards resolving the political crisis that resulted in the suspension 11 months ago. If the Commonwealth is to strictly enforce its democracy norms, there may be also other candidates for suspension from the organisation. As for Mr. Mugabe, he began his tenure amid much hope as the country emerged from the trauma of the white minority's unilateral declaration of independence. But, like many of the leaders of newly independent Africa, he was loath to allowing democracy to put down roots in his country. During his long, unremarkable tenure he has violated all democratic norms, permitting no freedoms and brooking no political opposition or an independent press. It was comparatively smooth sailing till two years ago when the powerful white minority, which controlled nearly all the land, began to despise his autocratic ways and to switch support to the political opponents of the regime. Mr. Mugabe, sensing danger to his hold on power, hit the whites where it hurt them most. He launched a violent land grab programme during which his supporters forcibly occupied land belonging to the white minority, which received no compensation. The widespread violence resulted in hundreds of casualties — and provoked an international furore.

Mr. Mugabe, who appealed without success to the colonial master Britain to assist him with compensation money for the dispossessed whites, found instant support for his action from most leaders of the continent, including Mr. Mbeki, who had by then taken over the South African presidentship from Nelson Mandela. Despite protests from many capitals, they found no illegality or immorality in the violent methods Mr. Mugabe and his men adopted to regain land. Armed with their support, he launched a campaign to blunt white support to his political opponents, some of whom have fled the land fearing for their lives. If Mr. Mbeki and Mr. Obasanjo see any meaningful progress towards political reform, the rest of the world will wait to see proof. One man hiding away in London is testimony to the contrary. He is the Zimbabwe opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, who faces the death sentence for treason at a trial back home in Harare.

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