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'India a major partner in fast-changing world'

By K. K. Katyal

It is painful to see that religiously motivated violence flares up time and again. We are convinced that India's secular democracy can solve these problems.

The German presidential visits seem destined to coincide with the crises in the Gulf region. The last trip by a President was undertaken in February 1991 by Richard von Weizsacker just after the end of the Gulf war. The visit by the current President, Johannes Rau, comes at a time when strenuous diplomatic efforts are on to prevent a Gulf war, an attack on Iraq. During the 1991 visit, however, the stress was on the development of bilateral ties, slated to be the main theme now.

Though a constitutional head, Dr. Rau had been an active politician in the past. He was the Chief Minister of the country's biggest state, North Rhine Westphalia, for 20 years — till 1998, a year before he was elected President.

The following are replies to questions put to him in an exclusive written interview:

Question: During the visit here, what will be your main focus in the bilateral framework? What could be the new areas of cooperation in the field of economy (trade and investment) and science and technology, apart from political matters?

Johannes Rau: My visit to your great country highlights the traditionally close relations between India and Germany. We value India as a major partner which is playing an increasingly important role in a fast-changing world. India has demonstrated how vastly different peoples, cultures and religions can live together peacefully. Yet it is painful to see that religiously motivated violence flares up time and again. We are convinced, however, that India's secular democracy can solve these problems.

Of course, we will discuss bilateral questions and also international issues such as the Middle East crisis. But at the top of my agenda are issues which matter a great deal to future generations. Thus cooperation in the fields of science and technology as well as the promotion of economic exchange between our two countries will be the focus of my talks.

Trade and investment have taken a positive turn over the last few years, yet there is much untapped potential on both sides. If, as both countries wish, economic cooperation is to be enhanced, we need to improve the overall framework. This includes dismantling trade and investment barriers.

Germany showed tremendous interest in the field of information technology here. What are the chances of similar interest in bio-technology, another strong point for India?

Indo-German cooperation in the field of science and technology is a very good example of how the two countries stand to benefit from joint efforts. In fact, there is a lively interest in Germany in Indian information technology. But biotechnology, too, is bound to be a scientific field with great potential for the century ahead of us. We fully appreciate India's achievements in this field. Thus the Indo-German Committee on Science and Technology defined biotechnology as the focus of our future cooperation.

During the visit of the Foreign Minister, Joschka Fischer, the two sides signed the Indo-German partnership agreement. What, in your opinion, are to be its parameters? And what is the significance of the Asia-Pacific Week, to be celebrated in Berlin later this year, with India as its theme? Any suggestions for the functioning of the Indo-German Consultative Group?

The "Agenda for Indo-German partnership for the 21st century", which was agreed by our Foreign Ministers in May 2001, is and remains the framework for further enhancing our bilateral relations. It has proved its worth as a valuable foundation for cooperation in partnership in a globalised world.


"I believe that, given the role India plays in today's world, your country is a natural candidate for a permanent seat in the Security Council".

The "Asia-Pacific Weeks" take place in Berlin every two years. Since their launch in 1997, they have emerged as an important forum for political, economic, scientific and cultural exchange between Europe and Asia. I am happy that India will be the focus country of the "Asia-Pacific Weeks" in September 2003. I am convinced that this will make India even more attractive for Germany and the Germans.

What is Germany's stand on India's claim for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council?

There is consensus among the members of the United Nations that the Security Council needs to be reformed. Its current set-up goes back to the 1960s. At that time, the U.N. only had 113 members, while today there are 191. This greater number means the Security Council has become even more exclusive. Germany would like to see the Security Council reflect global changes. The question of who should be added as a new permanent member is particularly tricky. I believe that, given the role India plays in today's world, your country is a natural candidate for a permanent seat in the Security Council. However, the ultimate decision on the reform package will have to be taken by the General Assembly.

And on terrorism, especially the trans-border type?

Germany condemns terrorism in all its forms. There is no justification for terrorism. Germany is in the front line of the fight against terrorism and its root causes. It supports the draft comprehensive convention on combating terrorism which India has sponsored. Just like India, Germany has signed all 12 existing U.N. conventions against terrorism. I am convinced that terrorism can only be defeated in the long term if we fight its root causes and tackle the environment in which it flourishes: poverty, oppression, violation of human rights. I believe that India bears a particular responsibility in the region to promote stability, peace, respect for human rights and the principles of an open society.

In one of your public addresses last year, you spoke of the importance of securing and promoting freedom and justice for all in the age of globalisation. Is this worthy objective not lost sight of in the mad rush of market forces?

On the contrary: where market forces rule unchecked they destroy the market. Where only the strongest survive, there is no competition and thus no market. Without rules, there can be no market, and a market without rules means that injustice and arbitrariness reign supreme.

That, by the way, is not only a basic conviction held by the German economists to whom we owe the concept of the social market economy: this belief is also professed by the Indian economist, Amartya Sen, who won the 1998 Nobel Prize for economics. The poor and the dispossessed of this world could wish for no more knowledgeable champion of their rights than Amartya Sen. He believes that the quality of life in a given country cannot be gauged from its growth rate or prosperity but, rather, from the degree of freedom it offers. Freedom means recognising the incredible wealth of talent and diversity that characterises mankind. Sen's optimism is catching. He maintains that in the pursuit of liberty and democracy mankind has found a universal ideal. There is no alternative to the One World. Globalisation makes us all citizens of the world — and as such, we should all be free.

Germany has taken a firm position against any military action in Iraq and has advocated the exploring of all possible options to resolve the crises by peaceful means. How does it propose to follow this line — to its logical conclusion — in the crucial period ahead?

Germany has strongly warned against accepting war as inevitable before every other avenue has been exhaustively explored.

The Federal Government has made it clear time and again that war can only be the very last resort in order to remove an imminent danger that cannot otherwise be averted. We believe that this point of no return has by no means been reached in Iraq's case.

There is talk of "old" Europe and "new" Europe. How, in your opinion, will it affect the functioning of the European Union, especially after the entry into it of the countries of the former Soviet bloc?

I think it is unfortunate and incorrect to distinguish between "old" and "new" Europe. Not even those who use these terms are thinking of, let alone aiming for, a new division of Europe. On 16 April 2003, upon the signing of the accession treaties to the European Union in Athens, the division of Europe will finally be overcome. On June 1, 2004 the European Union will grow from 15 to 25 members. The member states will remain sovereign countries yet belong to the European Union, the first truly supranational organisation in the world. In the European Union, all member states, whether big or small, enjoy the same rights.

It comes as no surprise to me that particularly on such an important issue as the Iraq crisis there are different positions. All present and future member states of the European Union are convinced that Saddam Hussein must be disarmed. Differences exist on how to achieve that goal.

How do you see the evolution of the ties between Germany and the U.S. in the near future? This relationship took a difficult turn — first at the time of federal elections in Germany and now during the current intense diplomatic activity on Iraq?

Germany owes America a lot. I cannot emphasise that enough. At the moment, there are irritations on both sides, and in some cases words were spoken that I would not have used. However, I am convinced that German-American relations rest on a solid foundation and are so firmly anchored in the hearts and minds of people on both sides of the Atlantic that the current irritations will not do lasting damage to the transatlantic bond.

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