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The silent majority

AS EXPECTED, SECTIONS of the Opposition and some of the partners of the National Democratic Alliance Government have together stalled the Women's Reservation Bill in the Lok Sabha raising doubts about the seriousness and sincerity of the major political parties in ensuring reservation for women in Parliament and State Legislatures. And, as usual, the opponents of the Bill have sought to mask their motive of denying women their rightful representation in the highest elected bodies by demanding a quota within the quota for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Backward Classes and Minorities. Actually, the Women's Reservation Bill covers the existing quota for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and the demand for a quota within the quota is not valid in this case. And, in the absence of any reservation for Backward Classes and Minorities in the elected bodies, there is no justification for a separate reservation for women belonging to these groups. The argument against the Bill is that without such reservation within the reservation, women from elite sections would benefit the most from the general quota for women. This is little more than a restatement of the known fact that gender inequality is greater among the Backward Classes and Minorities than among the elite sections. Indeed, the argument only underscores the sense of urgency required in correcting such an imbalance.

Of course, the Bill is not without its infirmities. The provision for rotation of constituencies reserved for women could alienate the elected representatives from the voters when they know their constituency would be reserved or dereserved in the next election. The alternative of permanent reservation of constituencies is equally unattractive, as that would deprive men in a reserved constituency the chance of getting elected for all time. In such a context, the demand for a debate on alternative proposals, including the one that stipulates a quota for women in party nominations, needs to be taken seriously. The shifting of the onus for providing reservation on the political parties holds the added advantage of not requiring a Constitutional Amendment, as an amendment of the Representation of the People Act would do. But any fresh debate should not be used as an excuse for postponing the introduction of a Bill guaranteeing increased representation for women in Parliament and Legislatures.

What is deeply unsettling is that the Bill was stalled despite the support of the major parties. The BJP, the Congress, the Left and regional parties such as the Telugu Desam, the DMK and the AIADMK, all support the Bill. In effect, the lungpower of a small section of the Lok Sabha thwarted the silent majority making a mockery of the Parliamentary system itself. The NDA Government, divided within itself over the Bill, was quite happy to disown the responsibility of ensuring the passage of the Bill. The political will, evident on other issues such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act, when a joint session of Parliament was convened, was sorely missed in respect of this Bill. But, perhaps, the real hurdle to the Bill being passed is actually the under-representation of women in the House, the reason why such a Bill was seen as necessary in the first place. A number of MPs of the Congress and the BJP congratulated the Samajwadi Party leader, Mulayam Singh Yadav, for successfully scuttling the Bill, though the official stand of their parties was in support of the Bill. This indeed explains why the major parties which approve of the Bill have let the smaller parties dictate the fate of the Bill. So long as they don't have to share the blame for the shelving of the Bill, both the BJP and the Congress seem quite happy to let parties such as the SP and the RJD call the shots. In such a situation, it is better to look for consensus on alternative proposals than endlessly repeat the taking up and stalling of the present Bill.

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