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For now, U.S. rule in Iraq

AFTER DECLARING THAT the U.S. does not need the Security Council during the closing days of the crisis over the second resolution that sought authorisation of the war on Saddam Hussein's Iraq, Washington has just secured legitimisation from that body for its occupation of Iraq. The Council resolution approved on Thursday is a double victory for the U.S. Apart from seeing its veto-wielding opponents line up behind it after the grant of some minor concessions to them, the U.S. has effectively gained total control over Iraq through an interim administration it has promised to stitch together. The resolution, sponsored by the U.S., Britain and Spain and passed by a 14-0 vote, gives international legal standing to the American management of Iraq and control over billions of dollars in annual oil revenues that can now begin to flow with the resumption of export of petroleum products. The U.S. will have free rein for a year when a review is possible if other members demand it. The United Nations has been confined to the sidelines, its role not stretching much beyond providing humanitarian relief. As against a "special coordinator", the Secretary-General may now nominate only a "special representative" to help coordinate work. In a further slap on its face, the Council's team of weapons inspectors has been bypassed, with the U.S. depending on its own experts for the hunt for the hidden weapons of mass destruction.

Beyond the cosmetic changes in its resolution that helped to bring round opponents, American power in that occupied country will in effect be nothing short of overwhelming. This may not prove a blessing, however. The U.S. may in fact realise sooner rather than later that the conscious political decision not to involve the U.N. in the massive and multifaceted reconstruction effort is shortsighted, considering the volatility of the region and the different forces at work. The Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, during an interaction in Geneva cited the fact that the world body had over the years acquired expertise in several areas including crisis management, peacekeeping, political facilitation, working with others on reconstruction, human rights and education. In a pointed remark, Mr. Annan hoped that the U.S.-sponsored interim administrative set-up will not be "the end of the road of the political process". What remained unexpressed was the apprehension that the U.S. will leave Iraq in the sole hands of the favourites it airdropped into Baghdad as the military operations were coming to a conclusion.

The Iraqis may have some cause for cheer amid all the gloom and turmoil. They must be relieved at the lifting of economic sanctions imposed on the country when Saddam Hussein marched his soldiers into neighbouring Kuwait more than a decade ago. The sanctions were opposed by many independent nations on grounds that now seem fully justified. The sanctions, they had warned, brought untold miseries on the people by denying them the means to buy essential medicines and equipment while apparently in no way crippling the regime, which was the stated objective. The lavish lifestyle of the regime's members, exposed after its overthrow, and the contrasting deprivation suffered by the common people are a strong indictment of the sanctions policy as a means to bringing down recalcitrant regimes. As the Iraqis begin to rebuild their lives and repair the damage caused by the deposed ruler's misadventures across the borders and his autocratic ways as well as the devastation caused by the U.S.-led war, they must be coming under conflicting pulls and pressures. The U.S. may have felt some disquiet over the sight of millions of people flocking to holy sites and open displays of anti-American passion. But this must be attributed to the years of suppression of religious freedom under Saddam Hussein. The rising protests against American occupation, if anything, signal a hunger for democratic freedoms in this ancient land.

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