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By Amit Baruah
The Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, on his arrival at the airport in Beijing on Sunday. AP
In a statement, the Prime Minister, who leads a delegation that comprises the External Affairs Minister, Yashwant Sinha, and the Commerce Minister, Arun Jaitley, said: "There is a compelling geographical, political and economic logic for closer relations between our two countries." "I believe that my discussions with the new Chinese leadership would help in building better understanding and trust between our two countries," he said adding that India attached "high priority" to relations with this "important neighbour". "Our two countries have developed a wide canvas of mutually beneficial cooperation... we have been developing and diversifying out relations even while simultaneously addressing our differences,'' Mr. Vajpayee, who will hold formal talks with his Chinese counterpart, Wen Jiabao, tomorrow, said. "As the world's two largest and most populous developing countries, India and China need to remain in close touch on major issues of global concern... I hope to see for myself the remarkable economic transformation that China has undergone over the past decade," he added. As India and China adopt the building block approach to their relationship, differences between them on several issues, however, remain. For instance, sources told this correspondent that Indian and Chinese officials were unable to agree on a set of non-Line of Actual Control confidence-building measures that were being discussed. The Indian side was hoping to conclude this agreement on CBMs during the Vajpayee visit. The sources said that the Chinese had reservations about the use of the term "non-LAC" itself. The CBMs being discussed related to the exchange of visits by military commanders and advance notice of military exercises by the respective nations. These measures have been under discussion from around the time the then Chinese Premier, Zhu Rongji, visited India in January 2002. On Sikkim, too, the sources said that the Chinese were playing "hard-ball". If India was to be presented with a "road map" to Chinese recognition of Sikkim, then they wanted New Delhi to declare in advance that both Tibet and Taiwan were "inalienable" parts of China. After India made this statement, the Chinese would announce the "road map' on Sikkim. India already recognises Tibet and Taiwan as parts of China, with Tibet being described as an "autonomous" region of China. Clearly, such an approach found few takers and, hence, the Sikkim issue remains where it was. However, the sources pointed out that given the contentious history of ties between the two countries, differences of approach were bound to be there. A quid pro quo on Sikkim has not found favour in New Delhi. Yet another agreement being negotiated at the official level was one on bilateral investment protection. That, too, could not be clinched on the issue of "national treatment" to Chinese companies operating in India. Given the tough negotiating positions that officials of the two countries are known to adopt, there appears to be an obvious need for the political leadership to "step in'' and give directions to their officials. As has been pointed out, India views the relationship with China not simply in terms of this visit, but as a process. Whatever be the roadblocks, none can fault the two sides for trying to negotiate difficult issues. A number of agreements to facilitate issuing of business visas, in the science and technology sector, setting up cultural centres in respective centres and an agreement in the education sector will, of course, be signed.
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