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Strategic delusions

THOSE WHO CRITICISED the Government for its decision to host Israel's Prime Minister Ariel Sharon at this particular juncture stand vindicated by developments. There was always a strong possibility that terror outrages, akin to the two incidents in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem on Tuesday that together claimed 15 lives, might occur at any time. These incidents occurred just after the Israeli and Indian leadership had spoken proudly of the cooperation between them in the security field and celebrated their comradeship in the war against terror. The Government of India, which had apparently persuaded Mr. Sharon not to postpone his visit, was unable to coax him to stay the scheduled length. An impression might have been created that official India is soft on the policies of an Israeli Prime Minister who is very likely to take harsh measures against the Palestinians once he returns home. Even those constituents of the Indian leadership who wax eloquent on the special relationship with Israel cannot but agree that the two countries have diametrically opposed views on the Palestinian question. The likelihood that India might be put in an awkward situation should have been foreseen. Mr. Sharon has always believed that aggressive, overwhelming force should be the key factor in Israel's approach towards the Palestinians. He has applied brutal force despite ample warning from significant democratic constituencies within Israel and also its well-wishers that this was the surest way of sustaining the cycle of violence — without taking the explosive political crisis any closer to a solution.

India has handled its relationship with Israel in a well-calibrated fashion until very recent times. While the exchanges in diverse fields intensified, the overall connection was deliberately kept in low profile. Such an approach was necessary in order to insulate the other interests India has in West Asia from the fallout of the Arab animosity towards Israel. The approach was also successful in that India's ties with the Arab world were not impaired as the relationship with Israel developed. An overview of the range of the India-Israel relationship is provided by the variety of agreements signed during Mr. Sharon's visit. The six agreements covered the fields of environment; health; combating illicit drug trafficking; visa waivers for diplomatic, service and official passport holders; education; and an exchange programme for cultural education. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's emphasis on age-old civilisational ties between the two peoples offers a sound conceptual framework for the bilateral relationship. However, in the recent past, certain political constituencies in India have distorted the perspective and tried to portray the two countries as allies in a war against a third civilisation.

Both principle and national interest dictate that India should not dilute its traditional support for the Palestinian campaign for self-determination. This principled position will not hamper the development of relations with Israel over the long term. The peace camp in Israel might be in apparent disarray at the moment but opinion polls have consistently shown that public support within Israel for a fair and just settlement with the Palestinians is substantial. There is a vocal Israeli democratic constituency that believes that the Palestinians must have a state of their own so that a permanent settlement can be made and sustained. Many countries have interacted with Israel at a controlled pace in the hope that the peace camp could be strengthened. India too followed such a course over most of the 11 years since full diplomatic relations were established with Israel. Delusions about a new strategic equation, which would enable the two countries to dominate the geographical region between their territories, have brought about a policy imbalance that needs immediate correction.

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