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Mahathir's impressive legacy

AFTER A DISTINGUISHED reign of 22 years, Mahathir Mohamad has stepped down as Prime Minister of Malaysia and handed over power to a trusted successor, Abdullah Ahmed Badawi. His solid contribution: providing clear-sighted and unwavering leadership to the transformation of Malaysia from an agricultural, tin and estate economy into an industrial powerhouse of the East; and delivering dynamic economic growth along with stability and communal harmony. Contrary to many a cynical prediction, Dr. Mahathir bowed out of office with confidence and grace. This experience recalls a similar exercise of transfer of power carried out in neighbouring Singapore, where another strong leader and moderniser, Lee Kuan Yew, successfully handed over power to a chosen successor, Goh Chok Tong. Dr. Mahathir's critics, especially in the West, fiercely assailed his outspoken contrariness, his political intolerance and imperiousness, the alleged human rights violations, and the `guided democracy' system that is practised in Malaysia as it is in some other ASEAN countries. But above all they hated his guts. He, in turn, did not pass up a single opportunity to hit back at the double standards they exemplified on all issues of global significance.

The development of an indigenous industrial base, the creation of world-class infrastructure, the construction of power symbols like the Twin Towers or `Putra Jaya', the new capital city outside Kuala Lumpur, and tourist destinations like Langkawi will stand enduring testimony to his role as nation-builder and moderniser. As leader of the multi-religious ruling coalition known as the National Front and its dominant Malay party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Dr. Mahathir not only provided political stability but also ensured that the country did not witness the kind of riots that marked the birth of Singapore in the mid-1960s. But the focus was always on economic growth and stability. Malaysia is today a leading Asian Tiger economy, thanks among other things to huge investment flows from the West. In that sense, whatever be the policy differences, Dr. Mahathir and foreign capital found themselves in a highly congenial relationship. But he also strongly encouraged local industrialists to spread their wings first in the region and then in the rest of world. India found in him a good friend who recognised the potential of enhancing ties with a country to which he could trace his ethnic roots.

Dr. Mahathir distinguished himself in yet another way, in response to a major crisis. While the malaise of over-investment and reckless bank lending, which tormented much of South-East Asia in 1997-98, affected Malaysia as well, it was the distinctive manner in which its helmsman handled the crisis that stood out in the region. To cope with capital flight and the downturn, his Government imposed currency controls and boosted public expenditure. Both courses of action were the opposite of what the rest of the region followed on advice from the International Monetary Fund. The net outcome was that Malaysia suffered the least from the South-East Asian crisis; in fact, it was the only country that managed without finance from either the IMF or the World Bank. From a policy standpoint, there is no denying that the corrective steps Malaysia took turned out to be better medicine than what the IMF was then suggesting. Malaysia's fifth Premier, Abdullah Badawi, certainly has his task cut out. He faces the challenge of emerging out of the shadow of a towering mentor, building on the achievements, and remedying the weaknesses and distortions. The socio-political challenges at home, especially from fundamentalist groups, and the need to maintain the tempo of economic revival are quite formidable, but he knows where to turn should he need counsel.

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