![]() Tuesday, Nov 18, 2003 |
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IN THE FACE of another Tehelka-type exposé, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee has done the right thing in obtaining the resignation of the Union Minister of State for Environment and Forests, Dilip Singh Judev, without taking cover behind the need to complete a full-fledged inquiry. The video compact disc released by The Indian Express showed Mr. Judev accepting cash from persons who claimed they wanted help in getting mining contracts in Chhattisgarh. The Bharatiya Janata Party, worried about the impact of the exposé in Chhattisgarh where Mr. Judev would have been its chief ministerial candidate, quickly went into denial mode, terming the VCD "doctored and fabricated". However, the Prime Minister, brushing aside petty electoral considerations, made it clear that Mr. Judev would have to go "if found guilty". Pending the authentication of the VCD and the completion of a probe, it was imperative that Mr. Judev stepped down as Minister. Mere counter-charges about the doctoring of images and accusations against Mr. Judev's political rival, the Chhattisgarh Chief Minister, Ajit Jogi, would not have been enough at this stage. With nothing to show that the VCD was doctored, there was only one course available to Mr. Judev resignation. While the Prime Minister did well to act quickly to limit the damage and not erode the people's confidence in the system of public accountability, the same cannot be said of Mr. Judev or the BJP. Mr. Judev's denials failed to carry conviction. Without giving any convincing reason for doubting the authenticity of the VCD, Mr. Judev and his party sought to reduce the exposé to the political machinations of Mr. Jogi. They could not go beyond making a political point of referring to Mr. Jogi's involvement in a forgery-related case. While the Assembly election in Chhattisgarh might have something to do with the video trapping of Mr. Judev, this by itself does not detract from the authenticity of the VCD. The Indian Express acknowledges that it received the VCD but does not say it carried out the sting. There is thus some room for speculation that the authors of the video trap might have had political motives. However, the question is whether Mr. Judev accepted cash in return for promising help in the grant of mining rights. The charges against Mr. Jogi or the motives of those who laid the trap for Mr. Judev are not relevant to the issue. More importantly, the exposé must be commended as yet another instance of the role of the media in keeping a sharp investigative eye on the political establishment and acting as a watchdog of the public interest. Coming after L'affaire Tehelka, the Express VCD is a timely reminder of the prevalence of corruption in high places. At one level it merely confirms what is well known: deals with the government are fixed with money. But the use of hidden cameras in capturing images of money changing hands brings home the truth incontrovertibly and powerfully. Such methods have now become necessary to ensure transparency in the functioning of the elected representatives. Politicians can no longer get away by rubbishing the media and blaming their rivals when allegations of wrongdoing surface. They now need to demolish the authenticity of their own images caught on camera for all to see. However, the larger issue, which is linked to political corruption, is the public funding of elections. Unless there is greater transparency in the funding of election campaigns, it will be impossible to check the use of unaccounted money in the conduct of politics. Hidden cameras might catch one or a few politicians taking bribes but the malaise is systemic. It will take much more than a sting operation to put an end to corruption in high places but the sting itself makes this plain for everyone to see.
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