The Hindu : For an ocean outlook

Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Tuesday, Nov 25, 2003

Opinion

Opinion - Leader Page Articles

For an ocean outlook

By B.G. Verghese

India's perspective on the world is indeed changing. But the pace needs to be quickened and the ocean dimension never forgotten.

INDIA HAS been looking West for a long time. Its Look East policy is now beginning to mature, with a Look North element in the India-China agreement on Sikkim-Tibet trade and the earlier establishment of a South-North corridor from Bandar Abbas on the Persian Gulf to Russia and, now, with a proposed road link via Iran to Afghanistan. What about the Ocean gateway to the South? Throughout the ages until the period of Western dominance, India rode the ocean, plying the Spice Route. Routine sea-borne commerce, of course, continues; but the Ocean frontier as a concept is not really embedded in India's national consciousness or strategic thinking. This must change.

India has a continental area of 3.28 m sq km and, under the United Nations Law of the Sea, an exclusive economic zone stretching 200 nautical miles from its coast spread over 2.2 m sq km of ocean. What few know, however, is that there is an UNCLOS-III protocol under which India can lay claim to a further 0.5 m sq km or more of continental shelf 200-350 nautical miles from the coastal baseline within a given deadline. Four-fifths of this claim lies in the Bay of Bengal and the remaining portion in the Arabian Sea. Should much or all of these claims be conceded, the real extent of India's Ocean EEZ could come close to its total land mass.

Nevertheless, this is not an issue of territorial aggrandisement, for no territorial control is involved, but one of acquiring enlarged ocean rights for exploitation of the living and mineral resources therein and below the seabed. But first, the claim must be expeditiously preferred. Procrastination could prove costly. The continental margin of a land mass extends up to that point in the ocean where continuous sediment thickness exceeds one km. The enormous sediments washed into the sea through the combined Ganga-Brahmaputra-Meghna delta over millions of years has built up an elongated Bengal Basin Fan. This extends way into and beyond the Andaman Sea, with a sediment thickness of over 14 km at Sandheads at the southern tip of the West Bengal coast. Taking account of such special characteristics in certain maritime zones, UNCLOS provided for delimitation and award of continental shelves up to 350 nautical miles from a given coastal baseline.

India's maritime boundaries with Myanmar, Thailand and Indonesia have already been demarcated east of the Andaman and Nicobar chain. The additional continental shelf area awaiting delimitation would be shared between India and Sri Lanka. The deadline for submission of claims has been extended to May 2009, but it would be desirable for India to do so by 2004 so that the matter can be disposed of after due hearings while this country is still represented on the UNCLOS Continental Shelf Committee (until May 2007). Work on the baseline and bathymetric surveys by the Naval Hydrographic Department and seismic surveys by the Department of Ocean Development are more or less complete. An Indian submission before the end of 2004, in consultation with Sri Lanka, could therefore result in an award by 2007. The delimitation principles applied in the Bay of Bengal would also establish a precedent for the Arabian Sea where too the hydrocarbon, fishery and seabed mineral potential of the Extended-EEZ calls for early exploration and exploitation.

It would be well to seek speedy demarcation of India's maritime boundaries with Bangladesh and Pakistan. The dispute over New Moore Island or South Talpatty with Bangladesh has delayed determination of this maritime boundary and fixation of the baseline along the indented Sunderbans coastline. In the case of Pakistan, the dispute over Sir Creek is holding up demarcation of the maritime boundary. In both instances, delay has meant denial of possible benefits and, in the Indo-Pakistan context, the perennial harassment and arrest of fishermen "straying" across to what is notionally the wrong side of the line.

Even without a resolution of rival boundary claims and subsequent fixation of the coastal baseline, there is a simple method of determining and demarcating the maritime boundary. Instead of drawing the boundary from land to sea, a reverse seaward approach can be adopted. The delineation of the maritime boundary may commence at the outer edge of the EEZ in accordance with the UNCLOS equidistant principle and then move landward, say, towards Kutch-Sind, until about 30-40 km from the assumed coastal baselines of either country. The remaining portion could be left over until the Sir Creek dispute is resolved. Despite this, traditional fishermen would better know the limits they should observe while both countries could safely award contracts to hydrocarbon companies, many of whom have been queuing up for exploratory offshore licenses for some time.

The same approach could be adopted in the Bay of Bengal. However, the territorial sea under contention in this case is no more than about 2000 sq km. This being so, India and Bangladesh could well decide to offer joint hydrocarbon exploration licences in this block and share the oil/gas if any be struck. Each side could also enjoy fishing rights in alternate years. This would ensure a quick, just and cooperative solution, insulated from the New Moore controversy.

India's economic ties with Sri Lanka and Thailand, meanwhile, are growing. The Indo- Sri Lanka free trade area has given a fillip to mutual trade. The more recent Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement spanning trade, services and FDI will carry this forward further. The Indian Oil Corporation has taken an interest in the Trincomalee oil tank farm and India should seriously look at developing Trincomalee port jointly with Sri Lanka as a major ocean facility and SAARC Gateway. The employment and income generated would facilitate a Sri Lanka peace settlement. A land bridge has been proposed across the Palk Straits. This could also carry transmission lines to hook up Sri Lanka to India's Southern Region Electricity Grid, with the Kudankulam nuclear power plant serving as a base load station. While Indo-Sri Lanka cooperation is to be welcomed, a southern sub-regional quintet comprising Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Kerala/Lakshadweep, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka could put the economies of this sub-region on a fast track.

India already has an agreement with Thailand and Myanmar to build a Dawei (Tavoy)-Kanchanburi road link for ocean-cum-overland inter-modal transit from Indian ports. There is now a new Indo-Thai agreement to link the Andaman Sea and Gulf of Thailand with an oil/gas pipeline, and to twin Port Blair with Phukhet in a tourist circuit. These could mark the beginning of the Asean plus three (China, Japan, South Korea) plus one (India) vision of a larger Asian Community.

All these developments underline the strategic importance of India's island territories, more particularly the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which command the Malacca Straits and the sea-lanes that carry vast quantities of Gulf oil to Pacific destinations. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands place India in close proximity to Asean. The Islands are admittedly ecologically and (in part) anthropologically fragile and need to be developed with care. The Supreme Court and Island Development Authority have intervened with logging and other restraints. Yet many islands are uninhabited and could be sensitively developed for up-market eco-tourism and offshore services, given improved inter-island boat and helicopter connectivity and small nuclear power plants to provide energy and desalinate water. The Islands' offshore waters offer good hydrocarbon prospects. The Andaman Sea has seen much poaching of fish and piracy. Sustainable development with security therefore calls for a modestly larger population, selectively settled on virgin islands, and stronger coastguard vigilance. The Indian Navy has been escorting vessels through the Malacca Straits and there is now a strengthened Unified Tri-Service Command in Port Blair.

Looking outwards at the ocean also calls for port development. This is on the anvil. A decision was taken at a recent meeting of the Maritime States Development Conference to revive derelict ports in order to promote coastal trade, inland connectivity and coastal development. This has crystallised in Project Sagarmala under which it is proposed to modernise a garland of at least 32 ports from among the 165 intermediate and minor ports strung along the country's east and west coasts. Gujarat has shown the way by developing several huge oil, LPG and chemical terminals along its coast, Hazira, Pipavav, Dehej and Jamnagar among them. These new growth centres have transformed the local economy. The Sethusamudram canal too could improve east-west coastal connectivity and boost coastal traffic.

India's perspective on the world is indeed changing. But the pace needs to be quickened and the ocean dimension never to be forgotten or minimised.

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