Opinion - Editorials

Relegating substantive issues

WHILE THE DECLARATION by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that its ultimate aim was to join the democratic mainstream in the island republic might sound reasonable, what has to be noted upfront is that no pronouncement by this organisation can really be taken at face value so long as its true nature is not tested by the pulls and pressures of a serious process of give and take with the Sri Lankan Government. The LTTE and the Sri Lankan Government, who have just concluded the second round of direct talks, aided by Norwegian facilitators, are still skirting around the substantive issues that have to be addressed if a durable peace is to be established. Whereas the substantive issues ought to have actually been the main focus of the discussions, and thus provided the context, negotiations in respect of these matters have been relegated to the level of sub-committees. The chief negotiators on either side are represented on the sub-committees and a case can be made that smaller groups will be able to pay closer attention to different aspects of a very complex situation. Such an arrangement can also, however, lend itself to the sceptical assessment that the facade of a negotiating format is being maintained while the parties involved hope that the final result will be essentially shaped by developments on the ground. If the Sri Lankan Government does entertain any misplaced optimism on this count, it would do well to heed the warning by a senior leader of the political Opposition that the "good faith" of the LTTE has come under suspicion in the wake of reports of arms smuggling, extortion, abductions, insensitivity to the aspirations of other citizens and the flaunting of its independent regime.

The last point raised in the Opposition critique has acquired new salience after the conclusion of the second round of talks. Two of the three joint sub-committees — those which are to deal with the issues of Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs in the North and East and of De-escalation and Normalisation — are to be constituted solely of representatives of the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE. Innocuous as the purpose of these sub-committees might appear, the whole process of their establishment must be read in the context of a declaration made by the LTTE at the conclusion of the first round of talks that its control over territory in the North and East had already assumed the status of a permanent administration. This declaration was made at a stage when the issue of the interim administration of these territories had not come on to the agenda. Yet, even though the issue has still not been addressed, the Sri Lankan Government appears to have conceded that the LTTE will be a partner, equal in all respects, in the task of administering the re-settlement and rehabilitation of the people of these territories. Apart from the fact that there exists no mechanism to hold the LTTE accountable for the funds (to be supplied by international donors) for these purposes, an even more fundamental flaw is Colombo's silent acquiescence to the LTTE's sense of entitlement to the administration of these territories at a stage where there has been no discussion on the devolution of power to the different regions of Sri Lanka.

The decision to include a representative of the Muslim community in the sub-committee that will address political matters — while a positive development — will gain real content only if the LTTE abides by its stated understanding that it would, as a part of its entry into the mainstream, allow other political parties and groups to participate in the democratic processes in the North and East. But the mandate of this committee appears dilatory on the face of it as it is to embark on a wide-ranging and generic study of ethnic conflicts and their resolution instead of focussing on Sri Lanka's particularities. After two rounds of talks, the Sri Lankan Government should ponder whether its negotiations with the LTTE can progress towards a wholesome conclusion without a re-prioritisation of the agenda.

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