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Tristram Hunt
IN TYPICALLY vulgar style, Silvio Berlusconi committed himself last week to sexual abstinence until the Italian general election on April 9. Unfortunately, the well-earned break of Prime Minister's wife promises to come at the expense of European politics. For, a determined Mr. Berlusconi could well win himself another term in office. Some 15 months ago the global progressive community headed to America in a forlorn attempt to unseat President Bush. From Europe, Canada and Asia thousands of angry activists joined the Democrat campaign. Now, with greater effort, the same campaigning enthusiasm needs to be directed towards Italy as with the U.S. elections, as much for our sakes as for theirs. In the run-up to the 2001 Italian poll, The Economist listed a litany of charges Mr. Berlusconi was under investigation for. Famously, the normally reserved magazine concluded he was "not fit to lead the government of any country, least of all one of the world's richest democracies." Although Mr. Berlusconi responded with a libel claim, which is so far unresolved, his record in office has only served to confirm their verdict. Mr. Berlusconi's serial misuse of the political system ranges from the parochial to the constitutional. He overhauled the planning system to cover up the environmental damage his gargantuan villa had inflicted on the Sardinian coastline. And six months before the April poll he introduced a wide-ranging series of electoral reforms. These would have the effect of denying the Opposition an outright victory as well as returning Italy to the worst years of PR instability. Yet he has always been more than just Prime Minister. In addition to holding executive power, he is a publisher, newspaper proprietor, football magnate, property developer, advertiser and, above all, television mogul. Despite all the sweet talk before 2001 of divesting himself of conflicting interests, Mr. Berlusconi has tightened his control over the Italian media. Satirists have been driven off the airwaves, while his 90 per cent control of television channels eliminates any pretence of political balance. In one 15-day period last month, Mr. Berlusconi enjoyed three hours and 16 minutes of airtime compared with his rival Romano Prodi's eight minutes. Yet by far the most distasteful element of Mr. Berlusconi's governance is his sotto voce sympathy for neo-fascism. Among numerous gaffes during the European Union presidency, perhaps the most startling was his comparison of a critical German MEP to a Nazi guard. It was all the stranger since, back in Italy, Mr. Berlusconi enthusiastically embraces the far Right. The neo-fascist National Alliance is a core component of his electoral coalition with its leader, Gianfranco Fini, serving as Foreign Minister. As a result, the Government has recently announced plans to accord some of Italy's worst wartime fascist combatants the same honour as resistance fighters. Should any of this concern us? Mr. Berlusconi's government might be unattractive, yet it is hardly likely to dictate our own politics in the same way as the American presidency. True. But this would be to ignore the growing geo-political influence of Italy, which, with Mr. Berlusconi at its helm, has rarely been deployed for the good. Leaving aside his ardour for neoconservative military adventurism, Mr. Berlusconi's administration has serially hampered the EU's diplomatic agenda not least in regard to human rights abuses in Chechnya and illegal Israeli actions in East Jerusalem. April 2006 is already looking like November 2004. While Mr. Berlusconi might remain marginally behind in the polls, Mr. Prodi is starting to resemble John Kerry. His electoral coalition is mired in a banking fraud, and his capacity for indecision is assuming damaging proportions. When this is combined with Mr. Berlusconi's media manipulations and electoral gerrymandering, the results could be fatal. British activists have a habit of obsessing over the minutiae of American politics. But the prospect of another Berlusconi Government must focus attention on the vital importance of European politics. Committed progressives need to get involved now. © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004
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