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H.D. Deve Gowda
ON APRIL 8, 2003, the Lok Sabha unanimously adopted a resolution on Iraq. It read: "Reflecting national sentiment, the House deplores the military action by the coalition forces led by the USA against a sovereign Iraq. This military action, with a view to changing the Government of Iraq, is unacceptable. The resultant suffering of the innocent people of Iraq, especially women and children, is a matter of grave human dimension. This action is without the specific sanction of the U.N. Security Council and is not in conformity with the U.N. Charter. The House, therefore, expresses profound anguish and deep sympathy for the people of Iraq... " Participants in the discussion, cutting across party lines, unequivocally condemned the United States for its naked act of aggression and militaristic unilateralism. India was the first country to commit Rs.100 crore in cash and kind to the U.N., including 50,000 tonnes of wheat, to provide immediate humanitarian relief to the suffering people of Iraq. External Affairs Minister Yashwant Sinha stated: "I have no doubt in my mind that this unanimous resolution of Indian Parliament, of this House, will send the message to all concerned throughout the world which it is meant to." However, hardly four years later, when that great friend of India, who despite all his shortcomings had the courage of conviction to stand up against the might of the world's sole superpower, was hanged to death following a questionable trial, India's response was muted. It was shocking; and it hurt and disappointed me personally. The Congress-led Government was only `disappointed.' The main Opposition, the Bharatiya Janata Party, was reluctant to react. I wondered if the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal and the growing proximity between the two nations prevented the United Progressive Alliance coalition from coming out strongly against the barbaric act, and whether the compulsions of its pet agenda and the upcoming Assembly elections put the brakes on the main Opposition. As if India had accepted what had happened as a fait accompli, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee expressed the hope that "this unfortunate event will not affect the process of reconciliation, restoration of peace and normalcy in Iraq." This stand was reiterated by the Congress' chief spokesman, Janardhan Dwivedi. This official line of the External Affairs Minister was in stark contrast to CPI (M) leader Nilotpal Basu's statement expressing fears that the execution would have an adverse impact not only in Iraq but in other parts of the world. Even a spokesman of the Congress party expressed apprehensions that the execution "will be the beginning of a bigger and more serious problem in that country [Iraq]." Where has the proverbial national consensus on foreign policy issues gone? Is the Indian foreign policy establishment ignorant of the global ground realities? Do resolutions unanimously adopted by Parliament have any sanctity? Even the Left parties, which extend crucial outside support to the UPA Government and have in the past influenced foreign policy decisions including on Nepal, appeared unable to force the Government to come out with any statement other than that expressing mild and ritualistic `disappointment.' When an Iraqi Appellate Tribunal confirmed the death sentence on the deposed Iraqi leader a few months ago, the CPI (M) had asked the Indian Government to "take all political and diplomatic steps" to stop the execution. The nation would like to know what kind of pressure the UPA Government exerted on the U.S. and its allies to prevent the dastardly act? In the wake of the recent nuclear deal we have been boasting about our newfound recognition as a nuclear power. But how is it that this `power' could not come to the aid of a dear friend who, despite being the head of an Islamic Republic, stood by us on sensitive issues including Jammu and Kashmir? If Hussein as a devout Sunni Arab could go against the majority `Ummah' to support India, why could not an independent, secular, sovereign republic raise its voice against a blatantly unilateral act of barbarism? The Iraqi leader's execution not only violated the principles of natural justice but went against the grain of the criminal jurisprudence recognised by the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Apart from the question mark on the impartiality and fairness of Hussein's trial, the sentencing was one-sided, and shorn of any credibility whatsoever in the absence of credible domestic participation and broad international scrutiny. The violence and killings that have taken place in Iraq after the U.S. invasion far surpasses the alleged excesses during Hussein's regime. It was my party, the Janata Dal (Secular), which along with the Left parties, took the initiative to organise a massive rally in the national capital on November 14, 2002 to express solidarity with the beleaguered Iraqi people and lash out at the then NDA Government for not taking a pro-active position on the critical situation facing Iraq. Thousands of protesters shouting anti-war slogans and carrying placards against the BJP-led coalition marched from Mandi House to Parliament Street on the birth anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru, one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement. At that rally, attended among others by senior Left leaders such as Harkishan Singh Surjeet and A.B. Bardhan, I called upon the people to send a message of peace to the self-declared superpowers of the world who have been labelled by Noam Chomsky as the masters of the universe. Saddam Hussein never failed to cooperate with international inspectors and even accepted the amended U.N. Resolution. But George W. Bush just wanted to use any pretext to attack Iraq, I said. I urged the member-countries of the U.N. to fight against U.S. dictatorship and said that the kind of bullying it was resorting to would not be tolerated. Other speakers expressed similar sentiments. To my shock and surprise, but for the media hype, the protests and demonstrations following the execution were confined to Muslim organisations. Others got away by issuing mere ritualistic condemnatory statements. Is that all we owed the friendly people of Iraq? Is that all the pioneer of the Non-Aligned Movement had to say? Is that all we could do for our friends and allies in the Arab world? Is that all the healing touch we could give to India's 130 million Muslims, who were deeply hurt by the execution, carried out on the eve of Id? In the wake of the execution, the CPI (M) asked the Government "to realise that its strategic alliance with the Bush Administration, which is notorious for its imperial aggrandisement, will harm India's interests." As a former Prime Minister, I am equally concerned about the fate of over 35 lakh Indian expatriates living in the Gulf countries, our close ties with the countries of the West Asian region, and the possibility of increased incidents of terrorist violence across the world.
Oppose U.S. hegemony
It is high time that the land of Mahatma Gandhi, who led a prolonged battle against British imperialism, stands up and asserts itself against the hegemonistic tendencies of the U.S. We cherish friendship with the people of the U.S., but that should not be at the cost of the principles that our founding fathers stood for. Parliament's resolution on Iraq is as sacrosanct for us as the resolution on the territorial integrity of Jammu and Kashmir. The April 2003 Resolution said: "This House calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities and quick withdrawal of coalition forces from Iraq. This House calls upon the UNO to protect the sovereignty of Iraq and ensure that the reconstruction of Iraq is done under U.N. auspices." That resolution is relevant even today, four years later. Let us display moral courage and determination as an independent, non-aligned nation by passing a fresh unanimous resolution in both Houses on the first day of the coming Budget session of Parliament, reiterating these very demands in the wake of Saddam Hussein's shameful and most unfortunate execution. It is equally important that we pursue in letter and spirit the contents of the resolution and use our influence on the international community to get a better deal for the people of Iraq, stop the excesses by the U.S. and its allies, restore the sovereignty of the Iraqi people in the decision-making process, release all political prisoners, revive the democratic process under broad international supervision and thereby respect the will of the fiercely freedom-loving citizens of Iraq. That will be a fitting tribute to a great friend of India. If we fail to work for this, I fear that with the hanging of our friend, the tradition of national consensus in foreign policy matters will stand buried. (The author, a former Prime Minister, is president of the Janata Dal (Secular).)
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